March 23, 1850.
MY DEAR SIR: Since
we parted I have run the subject of our conversation through my mind, with some
anxiety to reach a just conclusion. I said, perhaps the word should be,
prophesied when you first took your seat in the Legislature, and before I knew
you personally, that you were destined to become the most influential man in
the State. This, I have repeated a thousand times since in public; and no man
likes to be proved a false Prophet. So that, as the matter concerns me
particularly, you will excuse my freedom of speech.
As to the general
line of your proposed argument I feel no difficulty. The constitution, the just
rights, and the honor of Virginia mark this deeply and broadly. We cannot
surrender an inch South of 36 degrees. It would amount to absolute submission.
The rank and file of
neither of the two great Parties in the State are prepared for this; and if
they were, no high-minded man can concur with them. Next to this, we must hold
the States responsible for the delivery of our fugitive slaves. The compact was
made with them, Congress is only their joint agent. For this we must hold them
bound in the first place, and for two reasons. Such is the compact, and
substitute of Congress must be unavailing, without their concurrence. No act,
whatever be its provisions, can be carried into execution against the popular
consent; and the effort will but "film the ulcerous sore." This
contest must be between the States themselves; and it ought to be waged with
zeal and determination. I care not to rule in the aid of Congress, it must be
ineffectual, and can only serve to postpone the issues which must finally come
to be tried between the States themselves. What power has Congress to enforce
the execution of its acts in this respect? None whatever.
Next, we have a
right to demand that this agitation shall cease in the Common Halls of Legislation.
This is the cancer that is eating into our vitals. We are daily paying for
abolition appeals out of the common treasury. Take strong grounds against this.
The right of petition, has nothing to do with the subject; and they who urge it
know it well.
These are the main
points. I have urged them years ago, and time only confirms me in the belief
that we cannot safely yield an inch on them. I have spoken to no man on the
subject. They are the oft printed conclusions of my own judgment.
As to the general
tone of your argument, it cannot well be too high, so that it be announced in
moderate but firm language. The present is a peculiar juncture; and its certain
results will be to make or mar many fortunes. A truly great mind cannot fail to
make itself to be felt. The issue is clearly submission or a stern maintenance
of right, and in this instance right involves security. All temporary
expedients must fail, and their failure will involve the ruin of many. My well
considered opinion is, that, on the points mentioned we cannot yield any
ground, no, not an inch. As to Mr. C[alhoun]'s view in respect to an amendment
of the Constitution, that might be passed over. It goes rather to the
philosophy of our system, than to its present practical operation which has thrown
up the present issues. These last are the urgent issues; and we must deal with
them as they are, and by themselves.
As to the matters,
which may be regarded as extraneous, yet bearing strongly on the issues
themselves, it is, in my view of the highest importance to sustain the Southern
Convention, as a means of preserving the Union. In this view it has not been
sufficiently pressed. Such only can be its legitimate purpose, and in that view
no Southern man ought to object to it. As a deliberative, a consultation body,
its expediency is called for by the highest consideration.
In respect to the
matter we discussed in the Committee room on yesterday, would it not be
advisable for you or Mr. D. casually to speak to the gentleman we referred to?
Something useful might come out of it, while no evil can so far as I see. Keep
the name of the gentleman South entirely to yourself.
It is after
midnight, and I will tire your patience no further. I write in great haste, and
conclude with this admonition, "Stand up for old Virginia at all hazards,
whose cause is just, and leave the consequences to God."
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