I most cordially thank his Honor Mayor Wilson, and the
citizens of Pittsburg generally, for their flattering reception. I am the more grateful
because I know that it is not given to me alone, but to the cause I represent,
which clearly proves to me their good-will, and that sincere feeling is at the
bottom of it. And here I may remark that in every short address I have made to
the people, in every crowd through which I have passed of late, some allusion
has been made to the present distracted condition of the country. It is natural
to expect that I should say something on this subject; but to touch upon it at
all would involve an elaborate discussion of a great many questions and
circumstances, requiring more time than I can at present command, and would,
perhaps, unnecessarily commit me upon matters which have not yet fully
developed themselves. The condition of the country is an extraordinary one, and
fills the mind of every patriot with anxiety. It is my intention to give this
subject all the consideration I possibly can before specially deciding in
regard to it, so that when I do speak it may be as nearly right as possible.
When I do speak I hope I may say nothing in opposition to the spirit of the
Constitution, contrary to the integrity of the Union, or which will prove
inimical to the liberties of the people, or to the peace of the whole country.
And, furthermore, when the time arrives for me to speak on this great subject,
I hope I may say nothing to disappoint the people generally throughout the
country, especially if the expectation has been based upon anything which I may
have heretofore said. Notwithstanding the troubles across the river [the
speaker pointing southwardly across the Monongahela, and smiling], there is no
crisis but an artificial one. What is there now to warrant the condition of
affairs presented by our friends over the river? Take even their own view of
the questions involved, and there is nothing to justify the course they are
pursuing. I repeat, then, there is no crisis, excepting such a one as may be
gotten up at any time by turbulent men aided by designing politicians. My
advice to them, under such circumstances, is to keep cool. If the great
American people only keep their temper on both sides of the line, the troubles
will come to an end, and the question which now distracts the country will be
settled, just as surely as all other difficulties of a like character which
have originated in this government have been adjusted. Let the people on both
sides keep their self-possession, and just as other clouds have cleared away in
due time, so will this great nation continue to prosper as heretofore. But,
fellow-citizens, I have spoken longer on this subject than I intended at the
outset.
It is often said that the tariff is the specialty of
Pennsylvania. Assuming that direct taxation is not to be adopted, the tariff
question must be as durable as the government itself. It is a question of
national housekeeping. It is to the government what replenishing the meal-tub
is to the family. Ever-varying circumstances will require frequent
modifications as to the amount needed and the sources of supply. So far there
is little difference of opinion among the people. It is as to whether, and how
far, duties on imports shall be adjusted to favor home production in the home
market, that controversy begins. One party insists that such adjustment
oppresses one class for the advantage of another; while the other party argues
that, with all its incidents, in the long run all classes are benefited. In the
Chicago platform there is a plank upon this subject which should be a general
law to the incoming administration. We should do neither more nor less than we
gave the people reason to believe we would when they gave us their votes.
Permit me, fellow-citizens, to read the tariff plank of the Chicago platform,
or rather have it read in your hearing by one who has younger eyes.
Mr. Lincoln's private secretary then read Section 12 of the
Chicago platform, as follows:
That while providing revenue for the support of the General
Government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of
these imposts as will encourage the development of the industrial interest of
the whole country; and we commend that policy of national exchanges which
secures to working-men liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, to
mechanics and manufacturers adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise,
and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence.
Mr. Lincoln resumed: As with all general propositions,
doubtless there will be shades of difference in construing this. I have by no
means a thoroughly matured judgment upon this subject, especially as to
details; some general ideas are about all. I have long thought it would be to
our advantage to produce any necessary article at home which can be made of as
good quality and with as little labor at home as abroad, at least by the difference
of the carrying from abroad. In such case the carrying is demonstrably a dead
loss of labor. For instance, labor being the true standard of value, is it not
plain that if equal labor get a bar of railroad iron out of a mine in England,
and another out of a mine in Pennsylvania, each can be laid down in a track at
home cheaper than they could exchange countries, at least by the carriage? If
there be a present cause why one can be both made and carried cheaper in money
price than the other can be made without carrying, that cause is an unnatural
and injurious one, and ought gradually, if not rapidly, to be removed. The
condition of the treasury at this time would seem to render an early revision
of the tariff indispensable. The Morrill [tariff] bill, now pending before
Congress, may or may not become a law. I am not posted as to its particular
provisions, but if they are generally satisfactory, and the bill shall now
pass, there will be an end for the present. If, however, it shall not pass, I
suppose the whole subject will be one of the most pressing and important for
the next Congress. By the Constitution, the executive may recommend measures
which he may think proper, and he may veto those he thinks improper, and it is
supposed that he may add to these certain indirect influences to affect the
action of Congress. My political education strongly inclines me against a very
free use of any of these means by the executive to control the legislation of
the country. As a rule, I think it better that Congress should originate as
well as perfect its measures without external bias. I therefore would rather
recommend to every gentlemen who knows he is to be a member of the next
Congress to take an enlarged view, and post himself thoroughly, so as to
contribute his part to such an adjustment of the tariff as shall produce a
sufficient revenue, and in its other bearings, so far as possible, be just and
equal to all sections of the country and classes of the people.
SOURCE: John G. Nicolay & John Hay, Editors, Abraham Lincoln: Complete Works, Volume
1, p. 677-9
