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| Montgomery Blair |
No business of importance brought before the Cabinet to-day.
Some newspaper rumors of peace, and of letters from Jeff Davis and others, all
wholly groundless. Seward and Fessenden left early. Mr. Bates and myself came
out of the Executive Mansion together and were holding a moment's conversation,
when Blair joined us, remarking as he did so, “I suppose you are both aware
that my head is decapitated, — that I am no longer a member of the Cabinet.” It
was necessary he should repeat before I could comprehend what I heard. I
inquired what it meant, and how long he had had the subject submitted or
suggested to him. He said never until to-day; that he came in this morning from
Silver Spring and found this letter from the President for him. He took the
letter from his pocket and read the contents, — couched in friendly terms, —
reminding him that he had frequently stated he was ready to leave the Cabinet
when the President thought it best, etc., etc., and informing him the time had
arrived. The remark that he was willing to leave I have heard both him and Mr.
Bates make more than once. It seemed to me unnecessary, for when the President
desires the retirement of any one of his advisers, he would undoubtedly carry
his wishes into effect. There is no Cabinet officer who would be willing to
remain against the wishes or purposes of the President, whether right or wrong.
I asked Blair what led to this step, for there must be a
reason for it. He said he had no doubt he was a peace offering to Frémont and
his friends. They wanted an offering, and he was the victim whose sacrifice
would propitiate them. The resignation of Frémont and Cochrane was received
yesterday, and the President, commenting on it, said F. had stated "the
Administration was a failure, politically, militarily, and financially,” that
this included the Secretaries of State, Treasury, War, and Postmaster-General,
and he thought the Interior, but not the Navy or the Attorney-General. As Blair
and myself walked away together toward the western gate, I told him the
suggestion of pacifying the partisans of Frémont might have been brought into
consideration, but it was not the moving cause; that the President would never
have yielded to that, except under the pressing advisement, or deceptive appeals
and representations of some one to whom he had given his confidence. “Oh,” said
Blair, “there is no doubt Seward was accessory to this, instigated and
stimulated by Weed.” This was the view that presented itself to my mind,
the moment he informed me he was to leave, but on reflection I am not certain
that Chase has not been more influential than Seward in this matter. In parting
with Blair the President parts with a true friend, and he leaves no adviser so
able, bold, sagacious. Honest, truthful, and sincere, he has been wise,
discriminating, and correct. Governor Dennison, who is to succeed him, is, I
think, a good man, and I know of no better one to have selected.
Blair has just left me. I was writing and just closing the
preceding page as he called. He says he has written his resignation and sent it
in or rather handed it to the President. The letter from the President which he
received this morning was to him entirely unexpected. But, though a surprise,
he thinks it right and will eventuate well. That Seward has advised it he does
not doubt, though the President does not intimate it. But the President tells
him that Washburne recommended it. Strange if the President is influenced by so
untruthful, unreliable, and mean a man as Washburne. But Washburne thinks it
will help the President among the Germans. The President thinks it is necessary
to conciliate Weed (he might have said Chase also) who, with his friends,
defeated Wadsworth for Governor two years ago. Such are Blair's conclusions
and, I may add, my own. Yet I cannot but think there must be something
ulterior, for it is unlike the President to dismiss an acknowledged and true
friend, a public officer who has, he says, discharged his duties well and
against whom there is no complaint. Why, then, is he dismissed or asked to
resign, when there is no cause? My impression is that the President does not
intend to part with Blair, and I shall be disappointed if he is not recalled,
perhaps to some other position in the Cabinet, perhaps to act in an important
capacity for the restoration of the Union. But this is all speculative.1
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1 At a subsequent period the President informed
me that Mr. Chase had many friends who felt wounded that he should have left
the Cabinet, and left alone. The Blairs had been his assailants, but they
remained and were a part of the Administration. This Mr. C. and his friends
thought invidious, and the public would consider it a condemnation of himself
and an approval of the Blairs. If Montgomery Blair left the Cabinet, Chase and
his friends would be satisfied, and this he (the President) thought would
reconcile all parties, and rid the Administration of irritating bickerings. He
considered both of them his friends, and thought it was well, as Chase had
left, that Blair should go also. They were both in his confidence still, and he
had great regard for each of them.
The relations of Stanton with Blair were such that it was
difficult for the two to remain and preserve the unity and freedom necessary
for good administration and social intercourse. It was not Seward's policy to
advise the dismissal of Blair, but he would strenuously urge that Stanton,
between whom and Blair there was hostility, should be retained. At this time
the President was greatly embarrassed by contentions among his friends, by
nominal Republicans, by intense radicals, and the strong front of the
Democrats. — G. W.
SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles,
Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 —
December 31, 1866, p. 156-8
