Diary of Gideon Welles, Thursday, August 2, 1866

For several days have been so much engaged that I have found no time to open this book and innumerable private letters go unanswered.

An adroit and skillful counterfeit has been perpetrated, and two drafts, one of $50,000 and one of $10,000, have been cashed. There was much heedless and careless management at the Fourth Auditor's office, or there would have been prompt detection, yet they have rushed into the papers and claim that they discovered the forgery. All of which is untrue. We learn to-day that the forger has been arrested. He was married this morning to a lady of fortune, left with his bride for New York and Europe, and was arrested when he reached Philadelphia.

The convention yesterday in Connecticut to elect delegates to Philadelphia passed off well. It was a convention strong in good names.

Violent and revolutionary proceedings have taken place in New Orleans. A fragment of an old convention held in 1864 met for the purpose of overturning the government. Riot and bloodshed were the unavoidable consequences. There are indications that the conspirators were instigated by Radicals from Washington and the North to these disturbances.

I have had two interviews with Governor Pease of Texas. He is earnest and honest, and gives a deplorable account of affairs in that State, where he has just been defeated in a gubernatorial canvass. There is, he says, no toleration of Union men; five sixths of the people are hostile to the Federal Government, and they persecute those who do not agree with them. The only way by which Union men can live there, he says, is under the protection of Union troops, and the Federal Government, he claims, is bound to protect loyal men in person and property.

After listening to his statement and canvassing the subject with him, I inquired whether the remedy he proposed was practicable and consistent with our system of government. If there is danger to person and property in any State, the person aggrieved or in danger must look to the local, municipal, and State authorities for protection. But it is claimed the authorities will not do this and that five sixths of the people approve their course. This is unfortunate and wrong, but under these circumstances and in these times, is it wise for the one sixth to come forward and place themselves in direct antagonism to the five sixths and ask the Federal Government to sustain them by force? Would it not be better to remain passive and quietly and patiently strive to modify public opinion, and get it right gradually? This Government is not one of form; it cannot attempt to control the elections in the States, and that by military force, without overthrowing free government, — destroying free elections. Are you not, then, asking too much, and unawares taking steps to subvert, or change our whole system?

This was the tenor of our conversation and my remarks. Governor Pease was, I thought, affected by them. His good sense made him appreciate the case, though he said that if this was the policy he should be compelled to leave Texas and so would every Union man. This, I told him, did not follow. Yet free speech would, perhaps, be necessarily restrained.

The condition of things is bad, but it is attributable in a degree to the nature of our institutions. Our people will go violently into the elections. The few outspoken Union men, numerically weak, insist that they must be the controlling power in the Rebel States, although in a minority, and they expect to secure this by military instrumentality exercised by the Federal Government, which is to put down the majority by the bayonet.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 567-9

Diary of Gideon Welles, Friday, August 3, 1866

I had a letter last evening from Secretary McCulloch, inclosing copy of one addressed to the President, requesting that Commodore S. P. Lee might be put on the Lighthouse Board in place of Admiral Davis, who had consented to retire. The intrigue and the impudence of the thing annoyed me excessively. McCulloch is guiltless of intentional wrong, but is, unaware, the instrument of Lee, who has moved his father-in-law, Blair, in the matter. I wrote a strong remonstrance to the President and also to McCulloch against this mischievous and demoralizing scheme. The President and McCulloch both spoke to me on the subject to-day, neither having received my letter. The President wished me to dispose of Lee as I pleased. Said he was a great annoyance to him. McCulloch said he cared nothing about Lee, but was willing to oblige Mr. Blair.

Stanton read telegrams in Cabinet from General Sheridan concerning New Orleans disturbances. Stanton manifested marked sympathy with the rioters, and the President and others observed it. There is little doubt that the New Orleans riots had their origin with the Radical Members of Congress in Washington. It is part of a deliberate conspiracy and was to be the commencement of a series of bloody affrays through the States lately in rebellion. Boutwell and others have stated sufficient to show their participation in this matter. There is a determination to involve the country in civil war, if necessary, to secure negro suffrage in the States and Radical ascendancy in the General Government. Stanton, in great excitement, repeatedly spoke of the Attorney-General of Louisiana and the Mayor of New Orleans as pardoned Rebels who had instigated the murder of the people in the streets of the city, [said] that they were guilty of this terrible bloodshedding.

Sheridan's dispatches are somewhat conflicting. Although a brave and excellent officer, Sheridan lacks judgment and administrative ability. He is impulsive, but his intentions are honest and his first telegram was an honest impulse. It struck me that he was tutored as regards the others, either from Washington or by some one at New Orleans duly advised.

Stanton is evidently in deep sympathy and concert with the Radicals in this matter, though he studied to conceal it. In striving to influence the President and prejudice him against the authorities of New Orleans, he betrayed his feelings.

There has been a story circulating in the newspapers that a naval vessel had captured a slave-trader with a cargo of negroes on board, which were being transported from the South to Cuba. It was a manufactured rumor which came from the Radical Freedmen's Bureau agents or tools. Seward alluded to some information from Cuba to the effect that they wanted none of our negroes on the island, and in conversation growing out of his allusion, I mentioned the fabrication of a rumor of a captured slaver. I saw at once that Stanton was disturbed. I mentioned that I two or three months since instituted inquiries on information communicated by the War Department, which I found to be totally groundless. Stanton rose at once on his feet and said the information came from General Foster. I answered, yes; it was a rumor of negroes kidnapped at Indian River, but our inquiries had satisfied us that the rumors were without foundation.

Stanton is, in matters of this description, a Radical sensationalist, ready to believe anything bad of those to whom he is opposed; and is himself complicated with, if not a prime mover in, the New Orleans difficulties and these mischievous rumors.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 569-71

Diary of Gideon Welles, Saturday, August 4, 1866

The Philadelphia movement is gaining strength, but at the same time encountering tremendous and violent opposition from the Radicals. I trust and think it will be successful, but the convention will be composed of various elements, some of them antagonistic heretofore, and the error is in not having distinctive principles on which these prevailing opposing elements can centre. The time has arrived when our countrymen must sacrifice personal and mere organized party hostility for the general welfare. Either the Radicals or the Government are to be overthrown. The two are in conflict.

I have confidence that all will come out right, for I rely on an overruling Providence and the good sense and intelligence of the people. Hatred, deadly animosity towards the whole South, a determination to deny them their Constitutional rights, and to oppress and govern them, not allow them to govern themselves, are the features of Radicalism. It is an unsavory, intolerant, and persecuting spirit, disgraceful to the country and age. Defeat in the elections will temper and subdue its ferocity, while success at the polls will kindle it to flames, which will consume every sentiment of tolerance, justice, and Constitutional freedom.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 571

Diary of Gideon Welles, Monday, August 6, 1866

Am beset by disappointed naval officers who think they have not had due promotion. This may be the case with some, but the more I examine the whole ground the better satisfied I am with the action taken. One of the most afflicted is Commodore Hitchcock, an old schoolboy friend, a good officer in peaceable times and an exemplary man in every respect, who has well performed ordnance duty, but who has no war record, no ambition but to live at ease and in style, proud and gentlemanly. He has taken such excellent care of himself during the War—done so little in the heroic line—that he is dissatisfied with the result when heroes are to be rewarded.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 571-2

Diary of Gideon Welles, Tuesday, August 7, 1866

The President submitted two long telegrams, one from himself to General Sheridan inquiring as to the difficulties at New Orleans and Sheridan's reply, which was no answer.

Seward and Stanbery had much to say. The latter was very earnest to have the President send immediately to Sheridan, telling him the police must be dismissed. There was, he said, great excitement in the country and the President must at once respond.

I inquired to what he was to respond. On Friday he had directed Sheridan to keep the peace and pursue his investigations. Since that inquiries had been made which had procured a feeble and confused response, concluding with a request or suggestion that the Governor of the State and the Mayor of New Orleans be displaced. Sheridan might be told that the President had no authority to displace these officers; but I expressed a hope that he would not at this distance undertake to give detailed instructions to his generals or agents.

I asked who General Baird was that he should be charged with this responsibility, and how it came about that such a man as was now described happened to be at such a place at this juncture. As for Sheridan, I considered him an honest, bold, impulsive officer, without much knowledge of civil government or administrative ability, who obeyed orders, but I apprehended him badly prompted after his first telegram, and regretted that we had not men of different calibre there at this time.

Seward said my estimate of Sheridan he thought correct. As for Baird, he knew nothing of him. The President expressed dissatisfaction with what he heard of Baird. Stanton kept silent.

Stanbery was persistent that the President should instruct Sheridan in regard to the police of the city.

Stanton said application had been made to him for bunting for the building at Philadelphia where the convention was to meet, but he had none for them, and said, with a sneer, he would turn them over to the Navy. I told him that my bunting had always been promptly shown and it would be well were he now to let us have a sight of his.

Stanton, who has skulked, was taken aback, colored, and remarked he had no bunting for them. "Oh," said I, "show your flag."

"You mean the convention," said he. "I am against it." "I am sorry to hear, but glad to know, your opinion," said I.

"Yes, I am opposed to the convention," he continued. "I didn't know it. You did not answer the inquiry like the rest of us."

"No," said he; "I did not choose to have Doolittle or any other little fellow draw an answer from me."

The conversation amused the others, as it did me. Seward looked troubled. Whether he knew Stanton's position, I am in doubt. It is, I am satisfied, very recent that he has concluded to avow himself, although I have never doubted that he was as much opposed as any Radical to the Union movement. I think he would rather have the Government overthrown than that the real Unionists should come in power. He seems to have personal apprehensions.

I called on the President this evening to advise caution in his communications with New Orleans. Expressed my regret that he had not better officers for the business required at this time in that quarter. He concurred with me and said Baird, so far as he could learn, had caused the trouble or might have prevented it.

"Who," inquired I, "placed Baird there? Was it not part of the Radical scheme to bring this difficulty upon us? It certainly is unfortunate that we have these men there." He said he believed Baird was attached to the Freedmen's Bureau. I said this might have been ordered otherwise and should have been; that the Administration could not get along intelligently and well without faithful and reliable agents. I inquired if he noticed the remarks of Stanton to-day respecting the convention, "though probably you knew his opinions previously." The President said he had not known them before, that it was the first intimation he had received, and he noticed the remark. "This is wrong," said I; "we cannot get along in this way." "No," replied he, "it will be pretty difficult."

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 572-4

Diary of Gideon Welles, Wednesday, August 8, 1866

Judge Blair gave me yesterday a carefully prepared paper intended for the Philadelphia Convention. It had twelve specifications, — declarations and denials, affirmations and disavowals. Blair is delighted with them and says the President is also. I told him there would not be unanimity on one or two of the propositions and suggested emendations or modifications of two or three others. To some of them he assented; but I saw he was very much in love with the paper, which he informed me was prepared by William B. Reed. But no one, save the President, him, the author, and myself, knew the fact of authorship.

I remarked that there would doubtless be other strong and able papers submitted, that my own views were for a few points timely expressed. I thought all could unite against changes of the Constitution with only a broken Congress, and States excluded. In so large a body as there is likely to assemble at Philadelphia there would be conflicting opinions on any proposition which might be submitted.

Blair leaves to-morrow for Philadelphia. Browning says he shall and likely Randall will go also. I would rather the members of the Cabinet remained away.

The President is deeply interested, yet retains Stanton, who is not only opposed, but is covertly in accord with the Radicals.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 574-5

Diary of Gideon Welles, Thursday, August 9, 1866

A strange dispatch was read to-day from Commodore Winslow, written at Pensacola, exhibiting intense partisan bitterness in the New Orleans disturbances, and reproving Lieutenant-Commander McCann of the Tallapoosa, who was at New Orleans and behaved very discreetly. I am almost induced to believe that Winslow is demented.

Ordered a board for examining volunteer officers, S. P. Lee, President. It will be less acceptable to him than some other position more permanent here in Washington, but he cannot always select the best places.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 575

Diary of Gideon Welles, Friday, August 10, 1866

Seward was not at Cabinet, having had a sudden call to Auburn. It was a dodge to avoid an open committal with the Philadelphia Convention. Attorney-General Stanbery had charge of his portfolio, Assistant Secretary Fred Seward being also absent. There was a little meaning in this. Whether Stanton was a party to it in order to avoid being in any way committed, or is slighted, I know not. If the last, I think it was unintentional, but Seward is paying hard court to Stanbery. I perceive it every day.

A dispatch from Vice-Consul-General Savage at Cuba in relation to the steamers Harriet Lane and Pelican was read, with Seward's reply. I thought Seward conceded too much and so stated. The threat from some person who is in charge, that he would sell them if not paid his charges, is simply ridiculous. Any proper charges the Government would pay ere this, as on any other government vessel, but the idea of an individual selling a public ship is absurd. Still Seward concedes it.

Queen Emma of the Sandwich Islands is to visit Washington as the guest of the Government on invitation of Secretary Seward, who is conveniently absent. As Stanbery is delegated by Seward in other matters, Stanton thought he should do the honors to the young dowager.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 575-6

Diary of Gideon Welles, Saturday, August 11, 1866

Read Commodore Winslow's letter and correspondence relative to New Orleans riot and my reply to the President, who was pleased and approved of my course.

Read Admiral Farragut's acknowledgment and thanks to the President for his commission; also Farragut's letter accepting the invitation to be of the party to Chicago.

Many delegates from the South to the Philadelphia Convention are in the city on their way thither. Generally they seem in good spirits and cheered with the prospect of a restored Union. So far as I have conversed with them they are of right tone and temper.

I remarked to the President that a large portion of the people North and South had no correct idea of the condition of men and things. The claim of the Union men in the Rebel States, that they alone must hold office and govern, while the great mass of the people were to be excluded, proscribed, and eventually disfranchised, was preposterous. The majority must govern or elections be abandoned. In looking to the Central Government to keep the minority in power by force, the Unionists were committing a serious error. The condition of things is anomalous and must be treated with great circumspection and wisdom. The President agreed and fully responded.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 576

Diary of Gideon Welles, Monday, August 13, 1866

Secretary McCulloch arrived this A.M. Met him at the President's. His trip has been of benefit to him. McCulloch has grown upon me since he entered the Cabinet. Perhaps I have not been as observant and critical as I should have been had we differed, but from the beginning our views have coincided, and I have considered him, though not trained in public office or an experienced politician, as the most reliable and sensible man in the Cabinet.

Dennison has written a strange letter and made a speech of like character. I am disappointed in him, for he is exceedingly unjust and unfair towards the President. It is a bid, but he will be disappointed.

Dennison is very ambitious, and has a wife more ambitious than himself. Of the two, she is smarter, but D. is gentlemanly, kind, affable, has great suavity of manners. He will never obtain a higher position than the one he has recently resigned. It is said he wishes to secure the seat in the Senate held by Wade; but that can hardly be brought about, though strange results sometimes take place in these selections.

The letter and speech which now appear are mere party drivel, without statesmanship or enlarged and comprehensive views. Such stuff can convert no one, and retain no one. I am sorry to witness this exhibition, for Dennison aside from factions, is not destitute of merit, has some pleasant social qualities, and our families have been intimate. He is evidently expecting to make an impression in party harangues, but will scarcely succeed.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 576-7

Diary of Gideon Welles, Tuesday, August 14, 1866

Seward has run off to Auburn and left Stanbery to attend upon the Hawaiian dowager, Queen Emma. He finds it awkward and embarrassing, but does very well. The President expressed a wish that the Cabinet, and such of their families as could, might be at the reception this evening. McCulloch and myself were the only ones present except Stanbery, who escorted her. She is a good-looking, well-developed woman of about thirty, with a complexion a shade darker perhaps than a brunette, a full, round eye, a good form, of graceful deportment, etc.

We hear that the convention at Philadelphia is full and harmonious and all is progressing satisfactorily. The effect must be salutary on the whole country and will, I trust, contribute to overcome that intense sectional hate and party rancor which it is the aim and purpose of the Radicals to inculcate towards the South. These Radical leaders, and to a great extent their followers, are vindictive and have apparently no wish or intention to reëstablish the Union or recognize the political equality of the States.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 577-8

Diary of Gideon Welles, Wednesday, August 15, 1866

There are comparatively few persons here in attendance on the President or Departments. The Philadelphia Convention has drawn off most of them for the time, but only to come back in crowds when the convention adjourns.

Informed the President that I proposed to detail Rear Admiral Stribling for lighthouse duty. He said he had no objections. Should be glad to have Lee disposed of. Told him I had made him president of the board to examine volunteer officers under the late Act of Congress.

The Lees and old Mr. Blair are behaving badly. I do not blame Mr. B. so much, for he is old and affectionate, yet he should have some consideration for others. It would, and ought to, injure him, his children, Lee, and myself, were I to assign Lee to the Lighthouse Board here in Washington. After having the best post during the War, with high pecuniary reward and very little danger, he should not now, with his ample fortune, derived from that post, think to sit down for the remainder of his days in the easy post of lighthouse duty on full pay. But he is very mercenary.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 578

Diary of Gideon Welles, Monday, July 16, 1866

We are having, I think, as warm weather as I have ever experienced. The papers have a curt letter from Speed resigning his office. He has also written an elaborate but not very profound letter to Doolittle, dissenting from the Philadelphia Convention.

The President sent in a veto on the new bill establishing the Freedmen's Bureau, or prolonging it. His reasons against it were strong and vigorous, but the two houses, without discussing or considering them, immediately passed the bill over the veto, as was agreed and arranged by the leaders, Stevens and others. Very few of the Members know anything of the principles involved, or even the provisions of the bill, nor, if informed, had they the independence to act, but they could under the lash of party vote against the President. Two or three of the Members, in telling me the result, spoke of it as a great triumph in the manner of the final hasty passage without any consideration.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 554

Diary of Gideon Welles, Tuesday, July 17, 1866

Still excessively warm. Not much at the Cabinet to note. Stanton read a strange dispatch from Gen. George H. Thomas at Nashville, stating that some of the Tennessee members of the legislature would not attend the sessions and asking if he should not arrest them. The President promptly and with point said, if General Thomas had nothing else to do but to intermeddle in local controversies, he had better be detached and ordered elsewhere. Stanton, who should have rebuked Thomas, had, I thought, a design in bringing the subject to the President, who has warm personal friendship for the General. On hearing the emphatic remark and witnessing the decided manner of the President against Thomas's proposition, Stanton dropped his tone and said he had proposed to say to T. that he should avoid mixing up in this question. "But shall I add your remark?" said he. "My wish is," replied the President, "that the answer should be emphatic and decisive, not to meddle with local parties and politics. The military are not superior masters."

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 554-5

Diary of Gideon Welles, Wednesday, July 18, 1866

The President tells me that Dennison did not intend to leave, — that his purpose was to maintain his party relations but conform to the Administration in his action. He did not want nor expect his resignation would be accepted. These were the President's impressions. He looked upon it as a refined partyism to which he would give no attention. Speed, he says, thought to be very short, and he, therefore, did not reply to Speed's note resigning, but considered it a fact in conformity with the terms of the note.

The authentic published proceedings of the Radical leaders are disgraceful to the Members who were present and took part. It shows their incapacity as statesmen and their unfitness as legislators. Raymond publishes the statement, the injunction of secrecy having been removed. He also prints a letter in his paper, the New York Times, disclosing the revolutionary feeling of the leading Radicals, who are, in fact, conspirators.

Montgomery Blair is possessed of the sentiment that another civil war is pending and that the Radical leaders design and are preparing for it. I am unwilling to believe that a majority of Congress is prepared for such a step, but the majority is weak in intellect, easily led into rashness and error by the few designing leaders, who move and control the party machinery. There is no individuality and very little statesmanship or wise legislation, and as little in the Senate. The war on the President and on the Constitution, as well as on the whole of the people South, except the negroes, is revolutionary.

The President, while he has a sound and patriotic heart, has erred in not making himself and his office felt as a power. He should long since have manifested his determination to maintain and exercise his executive rights, in fact should in the first month of the session, and as soon as the spirit and hostility of the Radical leaders was apparent, have drawn the lines and made his own position known and felt. I so said to him on more than one occasion. But the influence and counsel of Seward, who deals in vacillating expedients, have been disastrous. He has striven to keep alive and strengthen the party organization, which is opposed to the President, and thus given power to the Radicals, who are conspiring against him. The President's friends have, as a result, been proscribed and his opponents favored by his own Administration. In this way Congress, where the Administration had or might have a majority, has become consolidated against the President. Those Members who were kindly disposed have been disciplined and drawn away from him by this trimming New York management. His mind is tardy in its movements, though honest and firm, and required stimulating and urging onward at the very time when Seward was exerting himself to suppress and hold back any decisive action in order to secure a party ascendancy in New York under Thurlow Weed. Stanton, of course, operated with Seward to prevent Executive action, for he was in all his feelings with the extreme Radicals, though contriving to so far keep in with the President as to retain his place.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 555-6

Diary of Gideon Welles, Thursday, July 19, 1866

The Democrats have had a large meeting at Reading in Pennsylvania. Mr. Blair is reported to have made an ultra speech, denouncing the intrigues and schemes of the Radical leaders and predicting civil war if they are not defeated at the fall elections. The country has had too recent and too exhausting an experience for another war.

A telegram from the coarse, vulgar creature who is Governor of Tennessee says that there is a quorum of the legislature and that they have ratified the Constitutional Amendment. This legislature was chosen when war existed, and under circumstances and animosities which would not be justified or excusable in peace. It is, of course, no exponent of popular sentiment in that State. But under the urgent appeals of the Radical Members of Congress, Brownlow, the Governor, convened a special session of this dead body on the 4th of July, to ratify the changes in the Constitution of the United States. But he was unable to get a quorum together. Fifty-six were necessary for a quorum; only fifty-four would be assembled, and two were arrested and brought to Nashville as prisoners. These made the requisite fifty-six, and forty-three of these bogus members voted for the Constitutional changes. This is an exhibition of Radical regard for honest principle, for popular opinion, and for changes in the organic law. The change is to be imposed upon the people by fraud, not adopted of choice.

I asked by way of suggestion to the President, how it happened that General Thomas's telegram of the 14th respecting the arrest of members of the legislature was not responded to until the 17th. He said he could not tell, and, evidently apprehending my object, said perhaps General Grant did not get it until the 15th and passed it over to the War Department possibly the next day, and the Secretary of War brought it here on the 17th. "Yet it does seem to have been some time on the way for a telegram," said he. "In the mean time," continued I, "two members of the legislature appear to have been arrested and brought to Nashville." This is Stantonian. Why does the President submit to be victimized?

The irregular tidings that Tennessee had in any way, however illegal or by force and fraud, confirmed the Amendment, as it is called, caused great exultation in Congress. The Radicals felt as if they were relieved, or those of them who felt uneasy under the dictation of Stevens, Boutwell, Schenck, etc. Conscious of their wrongdoing and that they were trifling with the country for mere party ascendancy and power, they broke away from Stevens and refused to follow him. Tennessee can now be permitted to have Representatives, — a right from which she has been excluded.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 556-8

Diary of Gideon Welles, Friday, July 20, 1866

I learn that the President to-day sent in the nomination of Mr. Stanbery for Attorney-General. He made no mention of it in Cabinet. There is a reticence on the part of the President — an apparent want of confidence in his friends — which is unfortunate, and prevents him from having intimate and warm personal friends who would relieve him in a measure. Doolittle spoke of this to me last evening as we came from the President's, with whom he wanted some frank and friendly conversation, and he felt a little hurt that he was not met in the same spirit. It is a mistake, an infirmity, a habit fixed before he was President, to keep his own counsel. I find no want of confidence or frankness in him when I introduce a topic, or make an inquiry, but it is unpleasant to seek information which should, in friendly courtesy, be communicated or invited by him.

Professor Davies comes to see me. Wants his nephew, General Davies, to be made Naval Officer at New York. Says Smythe, the Collector, is doing nothing to sustain the President, or the Philadelphia movement. I am inclined to believe there is truth in it and that Smythe is a very indifferent officer, as well as a useless politician, or party man, and that the President has been deceived in him. I have heretofore expressed my doubts of his fitness to the President, McCulloch, and Doolittle, and they, neither of them, controverted my opinion. He is a weight, no aid.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 558

Diary of Gideon Welles, Saturday, July 21, 1866

The Senate has altered and passed the resolution and preamble concerning the right of Tennessee to be represented, Congress, or the Radical majority, graciously permitting it, — not because the Constitution sanctions, or that the people or State have any rights, but because a fragment of a legislature, less than a quorum, elected nearly two years ago and summoned by the vulgar Governor, have adopted or ratified the Constitutional Amendment. The whole proceeding is a burlesque on republican government and our whole system of popular rights, opinion, State action, and constitutional obligation.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 559

Diary of Gideon Welles, Monday, July 23, 1866

Had a discussion last evening with McCulloch and Doolittle in the council-room, the President being by, respecting the preamble and resolution of Congress in regard to Tennessee. McCulloch thought it might injure the President or help the Radicals if he did not sign it. I preferred that he should not, especially that he should not give his assent to the preamble. My own course would be to approve of neither, for it would be claimed as a precedent in future toward the other States. If it were an isolated instance, the resolution affirming that the State might send Representatives would, perhaps, be harmless, but the precedent in the present state of things would be bad. The President listened and then read a dispatch from the Speaker, saying he would not sign a certificate that the Amendment had been ratified.

Admiral Farragut and myself have been busy to-day on promotions under the recent law.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 559

Diary of Gideon Welles, Tuesday, July 24, 1866

Busy through the day until dark on the subject of promotions, except for a short time at the Cabinet. The promotions will, unavoidably, give pain to many worthy men, but the principle which I have adopted will cause immensely less dissatisfaction than the original recommendations of the boards convened under the previous law. My action has been based on their recommendations, only deviating in a few cases when I was convinced injustice had been done by partiality or prejudice.

Many would be glad to dispense these promotions, but it has been to me a labor of sadness in many respects, and, though as glad as anyone to assist in rewarding merit, yet, when accompanied with the knowledge that a lifelong sorrow is to be inflicted on others, necessarily, because extra promotion cannot be made without overriding others, some of them estimable men though not proved heroic officers, I am grieved.

Mr. Stanbery, the new Attorney-General, took his seat to-day in the Cabinet. He seems to have encountered no opposition in the Senate.

Seward presented a letter which he had prepared to our Minister to Japan. I did not like it, nor have I been favorable to the course which our Government and authority have in some respects pursued towards the Japanese. We Americans had found favor in their eyes above any Christian nation. To us they had opened ports and permitted trade. The English and French sought the same privilege; ultimately these countries and the Japanese became involved in hostilities, and the two powers had their fleets there. They intrigued to get us to unite with them. But the Japanese wanted no quarrel with us. Yet Mr. Pruyn, our then Minister, persuaded or directed Captain McDougal, commanding the Jamestown, to furnish a small detachment to go on board a small steamer which was chartered and entered, with the American flag, into the fight. Although performing little or no service, the two powers were delighted, extolled our men, who were mere spectators, gave honors to our officers, who rendered no service, and when the Japanese came to terms and agreed to pay three millions, it was insisted the Americans, with their little chartered steamer and with no expectation, should receive the same as the other powers with their large fleets and great expense. Of this money, called indemnity, three hundred thousand dollars have been received. The Japanese have now requested delay in the payment of the other installments. Seward's letter was very arrogant, dictatorial, and mandatory. This Government would consent to no delay; immediate and full payment must be promptly made, unless the two other powers decided on a different course, when our hostile policy would yield and conform to theirs. I was disgusted and said so.

There was, moreover, a by-transaction in which Thurlow Weed and Lansing of Albany, a brother-in-law of the Minister, were interested to the amount of several hundred thousand dollars in gold, which had been intrusted to their hands under the advisement of the Minister for building ships years ago. When the war came on in Japan these two gentlemen with Japanese money in their pockets desired our Government to take the vessel which they had then built. President Lincoln, when I declined the purchase, was appealed to. He had one or two interviews with me, and as I considered the proceeding improper he put his name to a paper expressing a wish that she might be taken into our service. But I was finally successful, though with much difficulty, in resisting the scheme. Difficulties between our Government and Japan on other subjects relieved Weed and company in their matters.

When, therefore, Seward read his letter to-day, I expressed a wish that if a refusal were to be sent, it might be less harsh. I preferred, if he so shaped our relations that we must be tied to England and France, they should take the initiative, and we, acting independently, should consent to a reasonable delay even if they did not assent. This, I thought, sufficiently humiliating. Seward was not pleased. Stanton saw the point of my suggestion and doubted whether we should complicate ourselves with the other powers. No other one made a remark or asked a question to draw me out. They saw, which indeed was very perceptible, that Seward was nettled, and they knew not the preceding history.

I took occasion, immediately after the adjournment, to inform the President of the main points and also McCulloch. On learning the facts, both declared themselves against Seward's letter. The President said he recollected former remarks of mine in Cabinet when the notice of the first installment was announced and Seward took great credit to himself for the money. I said it cost the nation dear.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 559-62