This may be regarded as a sure omen of the glorious triumph which awaits the republican banner in the Keystone state.
SOURCE: “The passage of the tariff bill,” Janesville Weekly Gazette, Janesville, Wisconsin, Wednesday, May 16, 1860, p. 2, col. 3.
SOURCE: “An old friend in our sanctum,” Janesville Weekly Gazette, Janesville, Wisconsin, Wednesday, May 16, 1860, p. 2, col. 1.
. . . will do more for the restoration of confidence in a financial point of view and revival of business and trade than any thing else can do. When the rulers of the nation lose their integrity; when they descend to low party intrigue; when a corrupt administration makes use of the public funds to procure the enactment of measures repugnant to the wishes of the people, then it is that business confidence sympathies with that in the government, and distrust and stagnation take the place of hopeful enterprise. Under such circumstances, almost any undertaking is hazardous, property becomes unsafe, its value is fluctuating and unreliable, and the baleful influences of the government are felt in every department of individual economy. Change the government, let only its legitimate functions be performed and confidence is at once restored and business undergoes an instant revival. What business man, tradesman, farmer or mechanic does not desire a radical change in the administration of the general government.
SOURCE: “The nomination and election of a republican president,” Janesville Weekly Gazette, Janesville, Wisconsin, Wednesday, May 16, 1860, p. 2, col. 1.
Hon. John Wentworth
having notified me that his premium flag for the Sixth Ward is ready for
presentation, the Republicans of the said Ward are requested to meet at West
Market Hall this (Tuesday) evening at 7 o’clock to make arrangements for
receiving said flag at the Wigwam on Wednesday evening next.
SOURCE: “Flag
Presentation,” The Press and Tribune, Chicago, Illinois, Tuesday,
May 15, 1860, p. 1, col. 4
Montgomery Blair
still persists that Seward is false to the President and that he and Stanton
have an understanding. There are many strange things in Seward's course, and he
is a strange man. I am inclined to think he is less false to the President than
adhesive to the Secretary of State. He does not like Johnson less, but Seward
more. Seward is afraid of the Democrats and does not love the Republicans. But
he feels that he is identified with the Republicans, thinks he has rendered
them service, and considers himself, under the tutoring of Thurlow Weed, as
more than any one else the father of the party. The managers of the party
dislike him and distrust him, fear that he will by some subtlety injure them,
and do not give him their confidence. The Democrats look upon him as a puzzle,
a Mephistopheles, a budget of uncertainties, and never have and never will
trust him.
The President
believes Seward a true supporter of his Administration. I think he means to
support it. The President finds him a convenience, but does not always rely
upon his judgment. His trust in Seward begets general distrust of the
Administration. It is remarkable that none of Seward's devoted friends—men who
under Weed breathe through his nostrils—sustain the President on his great
measures. Raymond has been a whiffler on public measures, but no others have
ever doubted, or dared express a doubt of, the Radical policy. This puzzles me.
Stanton is very anxious
to retain his place, and yet he has a more intimate relation with the Radical
leaders than with the President or any member of the Cabinet. His opinion and
judgment, I think, the President values more than he does Seward's, yet he
distrusts him more,—feels that he is insincere. But Stanton studies to conform
to the President's decisions and determinations when he cannot change them,
apparently unaware that he occupies an equivocal position, both with the
President and the public.
SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 523
The political
campaign is about opening, and from present appearances promises many curious
combinations. I have just returned from a meeting of our Democratic State
Committee at Albany, which called a State Convention for the nomination of
State officers to meet on September sixth.
Now to the point. I
am authorized by our leading politicians to offer you the place of Secretary of
State on our ticket; or if the duties of this are too active for you, to ask
you to accept that of Treasurer, where the duties are less active and require
but little of your time. We would, however, prefer you to head the ticket.
Mr. Robinson, the
present Comptroller, elected by the Republicans two years ago, desires a
renomination from us, and he will in all probability get it. Martin Grover,
elected by the Republicans to the Supreme Court bench, will be one of our
nominees for the Court of Appeals. I mention these facts in order that you may
get some idea of the drift affairs are taking.
There is not much
doubt in the minds of good politicians but that we shall carry the State this
fall. We intend to endorse President Johnson's administration with regard to
his treatment of the Southern States, and while we shall endorse it quite
generally, we shall avoid finding fault with it upon any question—believing
that in a very short time the President's policy will conform to what is
desired by the Democratic party. I am also warranted in saying that if you
accept our nomination for Secretary of State, the pleasantest office on the
ticket, and should be elected, you can have the nomination for Governor next
year. The present would be but a stepping stone to the other. Understand me,
this offer is not made by any particular interest or clique in the party, but
would be given to you unanimously in the Convention. Dean Richmond knows of my
writing this, and I shall expect with your permission to show him your reply.
You will notice that I have written you very frankly; my acquaintance with you
warrants me in doing so.
Regarding you more
of a soldier than politician, you will pardon me when I express my belief that
everything now indicates the speedy dissolution of the Republican party and the
return of the Democracy to power-a result which just laws, equal taxation, and
the best interests of the country imperatively demand. You will of course
consider my letter as entirely confidential, and favor me with an immediate
reply.
SOURCE: New York
(State). Monuments Commission for the Battlefields of Gettysburg and
Chattanooga, In Memoriam: Henry Warner
Slocum, 1826-1894, p. 104
WASHINGTON, March
16, 1861.
Every day affords
proof of the absence of any settled policy or harmonious concert of action in
the administration. Seward, Bates and Cameron form one wing; Chase, Miller,
Blair, the opposite wing; Smith is on both sides, and Lincoln sometimes on one
and sometimes on the other. There has been agreement in nothing. Lincoln, it is
complained in the streets, has undertaken to distribute the whole patronage,
small and great, leaving nothing to the chiefs of departments. Growls about
Scott's "imbecility" are frequent The Republicans are beginning to
think that a monstrous blunder was made in the tariff bill, and that it will
cut off the trade of New York, build up New Orleans and the Southern ports, and
leave the government no revenue; they see before them the prospect of some
being without money and without credit. But with all this it is certain that
Anderson will be withdrawn.
SOURCE: Lyon
Gardiner Tyler, The Letters and Times of the Tylers, Volume 2, p.
636
Dear Brother: . . . Your letter endorsing
Hayes is first-rate, and meets general approval. I agree with you that no one
should be the President unless he was with us heart and soul in the Civil War;
and Hayes fills the bill perfectly.
I
should be delighted to have him nominated and elected.
The
Democrats, in turning between the Democrats of the North and South, will probably
commit a mistake that will reunite the Republicans.
I
see the "Herald," in an elaborate and good article on saving money in
the War Department estimates, criticizes the sending of officers abroad at
public expense, instancing my case. Not one cent of my expenses was paid by the
Government. I availed myself of the frigate Wabash to reach Gibraltar, whither
she was bound in her course to the Mediterranean. I paid my mess-bill, which
amounted to $130 (more than the price of passage over in a Cunarder).
If you
happen to see one of those ------ reporters, you could say as much. I will not,
because on searching they will find that not a cent was paid for my expenses
abroad.
SOURCE:
Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence
Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 347-8
MANSFIELD, OHIO,
Aug. 4, 1872.
Dear Brother: . . .
Just now all interest is centred upon the Presidential election. As you say,
the Republicans are running a Democrat, and the Democrats a Republican. And
there is not an essential difference in the platform of principle. The chief
interest I feel in the canvass is the preservation of the Republican party,
which I think essential to secure the fair enforcement of the results of the
war. General Grant has so managed matters as to gain the very bitter and active
hostility of many of the leading Republicans, and the personal indifference of
most of the residue. He will, however, be fairly supported by the great mass of
the Republicans, and I still hope and believe will be elected. The defections
among Republicans will be made up by Democrats, who will not vote for Greeley.
The whole canvass is
so extraordinary, that no result can be anticipated. You will notice that Sumner,
Thurman, Banks, and others are for Greeley, who is probably the most unfit man
for President, except Train, that has ever been mentioned. I intend to support
Grant fairly and fully, as best for the country and Republican party.
SOURCE: Rachel
Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between
General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 338-9
Dear Brother: . . .
Don't ever give any person the least encouragement to think I can be used for
political ends. I have seen it poison so many otherwise good characters, that I
am really more obstinate than ever. I think Grant will be made miserable to the
end of his life by his eight years' experience. Let those who are trained to it
keep the office, and keep the Army and Navy as free from politics as possible,
for emergencies that may arise at any time.
Think of the
reputations wrecked in politics since 1865.
[A few days later he
continued:]
* * * * * * * * * *
No matter what the
temptation, I will never allow my name to be used by any party; but I don't
think it would be prudent to allow the old Democrats to get possession of the
Government; and hope the Republicans will choose some new man, as like Mr.
Lincoln as you can find. Or else let us unite on Blaine, or even Washburne. . .
.
SOURCE: Rachel
Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between
General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 340
Allen of the Intelligencer called upon me to-day in reference to the Connecticut election. Says it is stated in the papers that I have written letters urging Hawley's election, yet Hawley is making speeches against the President. Told him I had written no letters of the purport indicated, had purposely abstained and intended to. Asked what statements and what papers he referred to, and doubted if Hawley had made speeches in opposition to the Administration. It would not be politic for him to do so. That English is in favor of the President's policy as distinguished from that of Stevens or Congress, is true. The Republicans of Connecticut thought they did a shrewd thing in passing one resolution in favor of the President and another in favor of Congress. This inconsistency, equivocation, or contradiction is now troublesome.
SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 456-7
MANSFIELD, OHIO, Oct. 17, 1871.
Dear Brother: Your note of the 14th is received. I am glad you are going to Europe, and under such favorable auspices.
You are sure of a hearty reception there, and you will be greatly entertained and instructed by wonders that must be seen as well as read of. . . . It is generally conceded that I shall be elected, though it is not sure. No doubt a majority of Republicans favor me, but combinations are often made, and may be in this election. . .
SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 334
Neither of the
feeble organizations discussed or professed much regard for any of those
fundamental principles which had created and previously influenced parties, or
which were then again just looming up above the horizon. The Federalists had
been beaten in 1818 and felt that they deserved it, but they had always until
then been in the ascendant and wielded the power of the State, and still
desired most earnestly to do so. The Republicans of those days were held in
subjection and had great deference for the Federal dignitaries. Scarcely one of
the leaders possessed independence and strength of character sufficient to
firmly resist the well-organized dominant party and form and avow individual
opinion. The mass or body of the people were patriotic, but, under
ecclesiastical as much as political ruling, had little zeal or devotion for
parties or leaders. This was the condition of things when I came upon the stage
of action, full of enthusiasm and earnest work, and commenced the labor of
bringing together the minds which sympathized and agreed with me. Very few of
the prominent men came into the fold, and such as did were most of them
disappointed and disaffected men. Some aspiring individuals whispered
encouragement, but kept out of sight. By letters, by private correspondence and
personal interviews with the people, by ascertaining names of men in different
towns and localities, urging and inviting them to come forward, I laid the
foundation of what was and is known as the Democratic Party of Connecticut.
John M. Niles aided, and as he was the elder man by some years, he was more
openly recognized as the leader. But Niles had not perseverance and was often
and easily discouraged. Circumstances favored, and though abused, hated,
insulted, and at first despised, the organization thus commenced, after many
trials and reverses, obtained an ascendancy in the State.
When this became
established, the vicious, the corrupt, the time-serving, and the unprincipled
flocked to us. The Seymours, the Ingersolls, the Phelpses, etc., became
Democrats. The organization was thorough, and the discipline rigid and severe. Trimmers
and mere office-hunters became jealous and dissatisfied, made secret and
sometimes open war upon me, were whipped and returned. The drill and discipline
of twenty years made the organization compact, and when the Democratic Party of
the country in 1848 became unfaithful in a measure to their principles, the
discipline of party carried many into a false position. I declined to follow
the nullifiers, compromisers, and secessionists, but the organization which I
had instituted held to party and became perverted. New men who "knew not
Joseph" controlled the organization. For a time they retained the
ascendancy, but ultimately they broke down, and for ten or twelve years they
have been in a minority. Through the War the leaders have been almost all of them
hostile to the Administration and malignant against the cause of the Union.
Some, like English, have risen above the trammels of party.
The ticket, with the
exception of English, has not much strength, and some bad men are on it. I am
apprehensive that the Republicans will not be as judicious in their movement,
will not nominate a better man for Governor nor give as hearty an indorsement
to the President and his policy.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 428-9
Have examined the
bill for the Freedmen's Bureau, which is a terrific engine and reads more like
a decree emanating from despotic power than a legislative enactment by
republican representatives. I do not see how the President can sign it.
Certainly I shall not advise it. Yet something is necessary for the wretched people
who have been emancipated, and who have neither intelligence nor means to
provide for themselves. In time and briefly, if let alone, society will adapt
itself to circumstances and make circumstances conform to existing necessities,
but in the mean time there will be suffering, misery, wretchedness, nor will it
be entirely confined to the blacks.
I am apprehensive
that the efforts of our Northern philanthropists to govern the Southern States
will be productive of evil, that they will generate hatred rather than love
between the races. This Freedmen's Bureau scheme is a governmental enormity.
There is a despotic tendency in the legislation of this Congress, an evident
disposition to promote these notions of freedom by despotic and tyrannical
means.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 432-3
[MANSFIELD, OHIO, October
14, 1868.]
The October election
is now over, but I do not yet know precise results. I write, supposing that the
Republicans have carried Ohio and Pennsylvania and perhaps Indiana. Grant is
much stronger than our State or Congress ticket, and will get thousands of
floating and Democratic votes. I regard his election as a foregone conclusion.
This canvass has been very severe upon me and I shall now take a rest. If you
would like to join me, we can go to the Lake1 and have some fine
sport hunting and fishing. This relaxation will do us both good.
1 Lake Erie.
SOURCE: Rachel
Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between
General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 322-3
Dear Brother: I don't know what Grant means by his silence in the midst of the very great indications of his receiving the nomination in May. Doubtless he intends to hold aloof from the expression of any opinion, till the actual nomination is made, when, if he accepts with a strong Radical platform, I shall be surprised. My notion is that he thinks that the Democrats ought not to succeed to power, and that he would be willing to stand a sacrifice rather than see that result. . . . I notice that you Republicans have divided on some of the side questions on impeachment, and am glad you concede to the President the largest limits in his defence that are offered. I don't see what the Republicans can gain by shoving matters to an extent that looks like a foregone conclusion.
No matter what men may think of Mr. Johnson, his office is one that ought to have a pretty wide latitude of opinion. Nevertheless the trial is one that will be closely and sternly criticised by all the civilized world. . . .
SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 314-5
If you can keep free from committals to Johnson, you will surely as you live be called upon to act as President. The danger now is that the mistakes of the Republicans may drift the Democratic party into power. If so, the rebellion is triumphant, and no man active in suppressing it will be trusted or honored. Grant is not injured by his correspondence with Johnson, but no doubt feels annoyed. . . .
OFFICE ST. LOUIS
RAILROAD COMPANY, St. Louis, April 4, 1861.
MY DEAR FRIEND: I
promised you all to keep you advised of my whereabouts that we may interchange
from time to time the thoughts and feelings of respect and affection which I
feel assured still subsists between us. By the caption of this letter you will
see me in a rail road office, of which I am the president with a salary of two
thousand dollars. I have my entire family in a good house, 226 Locust St., with
plenty of room and a hearty welcome for friends who come to me from the four
quarters of the globe, and I will believe that you, or Smith, or the Doctor,1
yea Mr. St. Ange, may some summer come up to this great city, the heart of
North America, and see me and mine.
I acted with energy,
went to Washington, satisfied myself that Lincoln was organizing his administration
on pure party principles, concluded it was no place for me who profess to love
and venerate my whole country and not a mere fraction — and forthwith to
Lancaster, pulled up stakes, to Cincinnati, and embarked all hands, with
carpets, chairs, beds, kitchen utensils, even my household servants, and before
one month of my vacating my berth in Louisiana, I was living in St. Louis.
I see my way ahead
for one year and must trust to the future, and having an abundance of faith in
St. Louis with its vast fertile surrounding country, I feel no uneasiness. My
two eldest girls are in a Catholic school and this morning I put my boy Willy
in a public school, so that with the exception of some trifling articles of
furniture I am settled.
My duties here are
clearly within my comprehension, and indeed I think I can actually make myself
more than useful to the stockholders by giving personal attention, which
heretofore has devolved on hirelings. In politics I do not think I change with
country. On the negro question I am satisfied there is and was no cause for a
severance of the old Union, but will go further and say that I believe the
practice of slavery in the South is the mildest and best regulated system of
slavery in the world, now or heretofore. But, as there is an incongruity in
black and white labor, I do think in the new territories the line of separation
should be drawn before rather than after settlement. As to any guarantees I would
favor any approved by Rives, Bell, Crittenden and such men whose patriotism
cannot be questioned.
On the question of
secession however I am ultra. I believe in coercion and cannot comprehend how
any government can exist unless it defend its integrity. The mode and manner
may be regulated by policy and wisdom, but that any part of a people may carry
off a part of the common territory without consent or purchase I cannot
understand. Now I know as well as I can know anything uncertain that Louisiana
cannot belong to a string of Southern States. She must belong to a system
embracing the Valley States. It may be those Valley States may come to
Louisiana, but ultimately one way or another, the Valley of the Mississippi
must be under one system of government. Else quarrels, troubles, and
confusions, worse than war, will be continuous.
My brother John is
now senator, and quite a man among the Republicans, but he regards me as
erratic in politics. He nor politicians generally can understand the feelings
and opinions of one who thinks himself above parties, and looks upon the petty
machinery of party as disgusting. There are great numbers here who think like me,
and at the election here a few days ago the Black Republicans were beaten,
because the country expected of Mr. Lincoln a national and not a party
government. Had the Southern States borne patiently for four years, they could
have had a radical change in 1864 that might have lasted twenty years. Whereas
now, no man is wise enough to even guess at future combinations.
1 Dr. Clarke.—ED.
SEMINARY, Jan. 13,
1861.
. . . I see no change to note here in public
sentiment, the fact that Seward has been named as secretary of state to Lincoln
enables the leaders to show that their suspicions were right that the
Republicans and abolitionists are identical. I am therefore confirmed in my
opinion that the cotton states are off and it is an even chance with all the
slave states. I take the Missouri Republican and National Intelligencer which
seem to oppose secession but they cannot stem the torrent.
The revolution has
begun and the national government has shown weakness in all its attempts.
Anderson is the only one who has acted. General Scott in sending reinforcements
ought not to have trusted the Star of the West, the same in which we went to
California some [seven?] years ago. She could not venture to receive a fire.
Frigates and strong war steamers should have gone, which could have forced
their way past the land batteries. I hope still this will be done. It will be a
triumph to South Carolina to beat Uncle Sam.
1 Of the Mississippi. – ED.
2 Lake Pontchartrain and Lake Borgne. – ED.
BATON ROUGE, Feb. 17, 1860.
DEAR TOM: . . . I am down here at the legislature log rolling for a bill to the interest of our institution. I have no doubt of success. I cannot but laugh in my sleeve at the seeming influence I possess, dining with the governor, hobnobbing with the leading men of Louisiana, whilst John is universally blackguarded as an awful abolitionist. No person has said one word against me, and all have refrained from using his name in vain.
As to your prospects, I see as chief justice you ran ahead of your ticket. I doubt not you can be elected as senator. For the chances it is best, though for a firm solid foundation the judgeship is preferable. Still I think I know enough of you to say your mind is made up and like the fellow engaged to some girl goes round and asks advice leaves room for but one side to the question. I advise you then to go to the senate, be moderate and take the chances.
If they find me advising with you and John, two desperate Blacks, they will suspect me of treason and hang me. No, this is not so, we discuss all public questions here with fairness. Louisiana is not ultra. She has property valued at four hundred millions of dollars which is all based on slave labor. It is no new open question to them; they must be prejudiced in favor of their interests, and I know and often assert that such persons as you and John are not inclined to molest this property. I state your position thus: in Kansas the party known as Democratic did endeavor to impose slavery on Kansas and resorted to extraneous force and fraud. This led to force and violence on the other side, and then, as in all similar contests for colonizing, the North beat, because she has one hundred who can emigrate where the South has one. I understand the moderate Republicans to be opposed to slavery in the abstract, to its extension, but not committed to its molestation where it now exists. I hope the party will not attempt the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law, and that courts and legislatures will not take ultra ground, individuals and newspapers may, but judges and legislatures cannot without committing whole communities.
The relation between master and slave cannot be changed without utter ruin to immense numbers, and it is not sure the negro would be benefitted. If John had not signed that Helper book he could have been elected and would have had a fine chance of showing fairness and manliness at a time of crisis. As it is now he can only growl over expenses and waste; that the Devil himself cannot stop.
Louisiana will not join in any South Carolina measure, but her people and representatives are nervous on the nigger question, and I have to be on my guard all the while as Ohio is looked on as a regular Bogey. Bragg and others here know me to be national, and they back me up too strong, so that I am coaxed and begged not to leave them. I know this sentiment to be sincere and the professors begged me by all the considerations possible to stand by the Institution, as they think that I can make it successful and famous. If too by being here, with such relatives as you and John, I could also do something to allay fears and apprehensions which I believe unfounded I could do patriotic service. Yet the itching for change and adventure makes me strongly inclined to go to London. My life here would settle down into a plain, easy berth.
The Democratic Party will try to keep Kansas out by manoeuvre, but I take it if a fair square vote can be had Kansas must be admitted as she is. I shall be glad to see your name as senator. I dined yesterday with Governor Moore, to-day with the attorney-general, so you see I am in the land of clover as well as molasses.
During our first term many defects in the original act of the Legislature, were demonstrated, and, by the advice of the Board of Supervisors, I went down to Baton Rouge during the session of the legislature to advocate and urge the passage of a new bill, putting the institution on a better footing. Thomas O. Moore was then Governor, Bragg was a member of the Board of Public Works, and Richard Taylor was a senator. I got well acquainted with all of these, and with some of the leading men of the state, and was always treated with the greatest courtesy and kindness.
In conjunction with the proper committee of the legislature, we prepared a new bill, which was passed and approved on the 7th of March, 1860, by which we were to have a beneficiary cadet for each parish, in all fifty-six, and fifteen thousand dollars annually for their maintenance; also twenty thousand dollars for the general use of the college. During that session we got an appropriation of fifteen thousand dollars for building two professors' houses, for the purchase of philosophical and chemical apparatus, and for the beginning of a college library. The Seminary was made a State Arsenal, under the title of State Central Arsenal, and I was allowed five hundred dollars a year as its superintendent.
These matters took me several times to Baton Rouge that winter, and I recall an event of some interest, which must have happened in February. At that time my brother, John Sherman, was a candidate, in the national House of Representatives, for speaker, against Bocock, of Virginia. In the South he was regarded as an "abolitionist,” the most horrible of all monsters; and many people of Louisiana looked at me with suspicion, as the brother of the abolitionist, John Sherman, and doubted the propriety of having me at the head of an important state institution. By this time I was pretty well acquainted with many of their prominent men, was generally esteemed by all in authority, and by the people of Rapides Parish especially, who saw that I was devoted to my particular business, and that I gave no heed to the political excitement of the day. But the members of the state Senate and House did not know me so well, and it was natural that they should be suspicious of a northern man, and the brother of him who was the "abolition" candidate for speaker of the House.
One evening, at a large dinner-party at Governor Moore's at which were present several members of the Louisiana legislature, Taylor, Bragg, and the Attorney-general Hyams, after the ladies had left the table, I noticed at Governor Moore's end quite a lively discussion going on, in which my name was frequently used; at length the governor called to me, saying: "Colonel Sherman, you can readily understand that, with your brother the abolitionist candidate for speaker, some of our people wonder that you should be here at the head of an important state institution. Now, you are at my table, and I assure you of my confidence. Won't you speak your mind freely on this question of slavery, that so agitates the land? You are under my roof, and, whatever you say, you have my protection.
I answered: "Governor Moore, you mistake in calling my brother John Sherman, an abolitionist. We have been separated since childhood - I, in the army, and he pursuing his profession of law in northern Ohio; and it is possible we may differ in general sentiment, but I deny that he is considered at home an abolitionist; and, although he prefers the free institutions under which he lives to those of slavery which prevail here, he would not of himself take from you by law or force any property whatever, even slaves.”
Then said Moore: “Give us your own views of slavery as you see it here and throughout the South.”
I answered in effect that "the people of Louisiana were hardly responsible for slavery, as they had inherited it; that I found two distinct conditions of slavery, domestic and field hands. The domestic slaves, employed by the families, were probably better treated than any slaves on earth; but the condition of the field-hands was different, depending more on the temper and disposition of their masters and overseers than were those employed about the house;" and I went on to say that, were I a citizen of Louisiana, and a member of the legislature, I would deem it wise to bring the legal condition of the slave more near the status of human beings under all Christian and civilized governments. In the first place, I argued that, in sales of slaves made by the state, I would forbid the separation of families, letting the father, mother, and children, be sold together to one person, instead of each to the highest bidder. And, again, I would advise the repeal of the statute which enacted a severe penalty for even the owner to teach his slave to read and write, because that actually qualified property and took away a part of its value; illustrating the assertion by the case of Henry Sampson, who had been the slave of Colonel Chambers, of Rapides Parish, who had gone to California as the servant of an officer of the army, and who was afterward employed by me in the bank at San Francisco. At first he could not write or read, and I could only afford to pay him one hundred dollars a month; but he was taught to read and write by Reilley, our bank-teller, when his services became worth two hundred and fifty dollars a month, which enabled him to buy his own freedom and that of his brother and his family.
What I said was listened to by all with the most profound attention; and when I was through, some one (I think it was Mr. Hyams struck the table with his fist, making the glasses jingle, and said, “By God, he is right!” and at once he took up the debate, which went on, for an hour or more, on both sides with ability and fairness. Of course, I was glad to be thus relieved, because at the time all men in Louisiana were dreadfully excited on questions affecting their slaves, who constituted the bulk of their wealth, and without whom they honestly believed that sugar, cotton, and rice, could not possibly be cultivated. . . .
