James Alfred Pearce* to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, October 17, 1856

CHESTERTOWN, [MD.], October 17, 1856.

MY DEAR SIR: I fear that I shall not be successful in the money affair. There is a shyness about all investments not promising immediate returns and profits. Indeed money is scarce in proof of which I may mention that one of the wealthy men in Balt[imore] is taking deposits on call at 5 percentium. One great difficulty is that the mortgage for the proposed loan is not preferred but comes in for paper with so much more. I will make one more trial and if that do not succeed will abandon any further effort.

I cannot give much hope of our political matters. There will be gains for B[uchana]n in some of our counties but the old Whigs generally swallow with a blind faith the resolves of the convention, Donaldson and all. They are besides confident that Filmore will be elected if not by the people at least by the H[ouse of] R[epresentatives] in which they say democrats and republicans will prefer him each to the other. The success of the former ticket in Penn[sylvani]a encourages them, they say that the Fremont men there will fall into Filmore's support being satisfied of their inability to elect a ticket of their own and consequently will nominate none. They say the proposed plan of "Thad" [Thaddeus] Stevens will not prevail but will be scented by the Filmore men and that the Black republicans will surrender at discretion to them, as they have to the K[now] Nothings. I have made several speeches and shall make two more but I do not think that I can accomplish much except to alienate old friends and make my social as well as political relations anything but pleasant. The Whigs here are talking strongly of Virg[ini]a as likely to go for Filmore.

The Florida election gives them encourage[men]t in the South and the Mayors election in Balt[imore] gives them exulting confidence of success in this State. Shortsighted they seem to me and blind to their own interests. What think you of all these calculations which I have mentioned? We do not know the condition of things at the West. Ohio is of course fanatical in the extreme and Indiana seems doubtful. Can you give us any hopes in that quarter. The most we can hope for with confidence is that the election will go to the H[ouse] R[epresentatives] and what then? There's the rub. It is a fortunate thing that the democrats have carried so many members of Congress in P[ennsylvani]a and the legislature and that some gains have also been made in Ohio. This will enable us to hold the moody heads in check in Congress until perhaps the delusion may abate.

I read with pleasure y[ou]r speech at Poughkeepsie. They called on me to report one of mine made in Worcester C[ount]y, [Md.], but I cannot remember a two hours speech made without notes and tho' I might write a speech it w[oul]d not be the speech. This state would I believe submit quietly to the repeal of the Kansas act and only growl a little at the essential modification of the fugitive slave law. If I were a young man I should sell my property here and look for a new home among a more southern people. The labouring men of our City sustain the Know Nothings because they wish to banish the competition of foreign labourers, So I am told.

Pray let me hear from you if you are not overwhelmed with correspondence as I suppose you are.

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* A Representative in Congress from Maryland, 1835-1839 and 1840-1843; in the United States Senate from 1843 to 1862.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 198-9

Senator Salmon P. Chase to Charles Sumner, August 13, 1850

Washington Aug. 13, 1850.

MY Dear Sumner: I heard of the death of your brother with real sorrow and with a true sympathy for you. It was a sad aggravation of the calamity that he perished so near the end of his voyage, just as he was about to step on threshold of his home. I have been taught the great lesson of sympathy in the school of bereavement. Often and often has the blow fallen upon me — so often indeed that now, at length, I live like Damocles, with a visible sword suspended over my head. It is not two weeks since my youngest child, of one single year, co-changed mortality for immortality, and the health of Mrs. Chase is so precarious that I have no respite from intense solicitude. You may well suppose that under the circumstances public life is irksome to me. Gladly would I retire and leave its duties and distinctions — the latter as worthless as the former are august and important — to others. But I seem to myself to have no choice. So few are faithful to Freedom — so few seem to have any real heartiness in the service of the country — that I feel as if it would be criminal in me to think of retiring so long as those who have the power have the will also to keep me at my post. This piece of egotism is but a preface to somewhat I have to say further. I see you have been nominated for Congress by the Free Democracy of the Suffolk District. I know your innate aversion to an election contest and I can well understand how this aversion must be enhanced by your present circumstances. But, my dear friend, you must not decline, nor even show any repugnance to acceptance. It is a time of trial for the Friends of Freedom. The short-lived zeal of many has waxed cold. Hunkerism everywhere rallies its forces, and joins them to those of slavery. Our side needs encouragement — inspiriting. You are looked to as a leader. You know it though your modesty would fain disclaim the title and shun the position. Your face must now be set as a flint and your voice sound like a clarion. You must not say “Go”! but “Follow”! Take the position assigned to you; and if Websterism must prevail in the Capital of Massachusetts — if Boston is to be yoked in with Slavehunters and their apologists, let no part of the sin lie at your door.

Here we are getting on as usual. We have ordered the Bill for the admission of California to be engrossed for a third reading to-day and should have passed it but for the yielding of Douglas, who, as chairman of the Committee on Territories has charge of the bill, to a motion for adjournment. It will probably pass before this reaches Boston. This is some compensation for the disgraceful surrender to Texas sealed by the passage of Pearce's bill which gives ten millions of dollars and half of New Mexico for a relinquishment by Texas of her “claim” —that is the word in the bill — to the other half. This is the first fruit of the Compromise Administration. This is their first measure.

Poor Chaplin.¹ You have seen the story of his arrest and imprisonment. I am very sorry for him, for he is a brave and true man, though I cannot approve of his course of action. Write me soon and believe me, faithfully and cordially your friend

[SALMON P. CHASE.]

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¹ William L. Chaplin, while in Washington as the correspondent of his paper, The Albany Patriot, had been arrested for assisting two slaves, the property of Robert Toombs and A. H. Stephens, respectively, to escape. Later, on the advice and with the help of his friends, he forfeited his bail and escaped trial. W. H. Siebert, The Underground Railroad, 175-176; H. Wilson, The Slave Power, II, 80-82.

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. Chase, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 214-6