Congressman Thomas S. Bocock to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, July 23, 1857

(Private.)

MARTINSBURG, VA., July 23, 1857.

MY DEAR SIR: Though I have ceased to take interest in politics, and hang on loosely to them for a while longer, somewhat as a matter of habit, and somewhat as a matter of necessity, I have promised a friend that I would communicate a few facts to you, and now proceed to redeem my promise.

While spending a few hours in Washington, a day or two ago, and since I have been here, I have ascertained that a good deal of maneuvering is going on in relation to the Senatorial election in Virginia. From what I have heard, I am satisfied that Gov[ernor] Wise is very anxious to be elected to the Senate. His hopes in that direction were a good deal chilled by the result of the Virginia elections last Spring, but within a few weeks past, they have been very much revived. He thinks that if he could place you, in a position of known antagonism to the administration, and stand forward himself as the administration candidate he would easily beat you. Therefore his friends are representing you as fully endorsing all that our good friends of "The South" have said about Walker and Kansas, and are endeavouring to produce the belief that hostility to Walker and his Kansas policy springs out of and indicates a spirit of settled hostility to the administration.

As I came through Washington the city was rife with rumours of your open and avowed hostility to Buchanan and his Cabinet.

Our friend Co[lone]l Orr of So[uth] Carolina who is a warm administration man told me that he heard with great concern that you had made a speech in which you attacked them fiercely. Since I came here, a friend of ours (Mr. John B. Hoge) has told me that the scheme has been worked with effect in this region, and is fraught with danger in the West at least.

I am clearly and openly hostile to Walker and his Kansas policy, but I do not think that either principle or policy requires it to be carried to the extent of opposition to the administration. They are acting badly towards us it is true, but they ought not to be permitted to drive us into opposition, except upon some ground which would be patent to the public. This is my view of the matter but it is probably badly taken. You can judge best of the course proper for you to take. I intended merely to give you facts.

The result of the elections in our region of the State was in this point of view, very favorable. So Edmundson writes me it was in his. I am nearly at the end of my race politically. I want however to see the true men in our State, prospered and advanced, and the intriguers thwarted and I will sing the "nunc dimittes" with full glad heart.

(P. S.) That "mendacious vagabond" who writes to the Herald from Richmond persists in declaring that the Parsons [?] Bill was gotten up by your friends to injure Buchanan's prospects in Virginia for the Presidential nomination.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 210-1

Andrew Dewees Banks to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, July 24, 1857

PETERSBURG, [VA.,] July 24th, 1857.

MY DEAR SIR: I had a letter from Letcher this morning. He, as other of your friends, sees the insidious attempts of the Enquirer and Examiner to strike at you over the shoulders of the South. Nothing would gratify Wise more than to make up an issue with you on the Kansas imbroglio. Already some of his friends are striving to produce the idea that Pryor has been writing at your dictation and speaks your sentiments. This is roundly asserted in administration circles at Washington our friends can not be too careful. Pryor has gone too far and has already done mischief. The sooner he is checked the better. The policy of your friends is the strict line of defence, this renders your position impregnable. We are weakening the moment we set on the other task. The obvious course is to avoid all issues tendered by the opposition. Nothing will serve to foil them half as effectually. Wise is half dead for a hobby. I might say he would give his kingdom (not on this earth but in heaven (?) "for a horse." There is no special obligation that I am aware of on our part to furnish him one.

I saw Iverson of Georgi]a last evening. He gives a bad account of matters there. Several of the democratic candidates for Congress are in great danger. I met Kidwell¹ a day of two since. He gives cheering accounts from the North West. He says all the delegates are for you.

_______________

¹ Prominent in local politics in northwestern Virginia.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 211-2

John Strode Barbour Jr. to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, July 24, 1857

ALEXANDRIA, [VA.], July 24th, 1857.

MY DEAR SIR: From all that I can learn the opposition in this State to your reelection next Winter are actively though secretly at work in getting up an organization against you in various parts of Virginia. I am told that Hughes of the Richmond Examiner is exceedingly busy writing letters in all directions to members elect of the Legislature. Floyd from his point of attack at Washington leaves nothing undone when an opportunity is presented, and Wise is using the power of his position to accomplish the same object. My brother James, who is well posted in these matters, has within a few days past expressed to me the opinion that he was satisfied there was a formidable opposition getting up against you in this way.

I have concluded from my own responsibility to drop you a hurried line upon the subject, to warn you of the danger in the distance, and to suggest that you give your friends throughout the State timely notice of these operations, and urge them to establish and perfect their own organization without delay.

So far as the Legislature stood in the beginning our Party certainly was largely in the ascendancy, but there is no telling what action an unscrupulous and unresisted organization may effect. If we should be beaten next winter, the Southern Rights Party in Virg[ini]a will be hopelessly prostrate, never to rise again in our time. I shall continue to endeavor to keep a sharp look out upon the movements before referred to, and hope in my humble way to plant a thorn occasionally in their path, but would advise you, who have so much at stake, to telegraph your friends in different sections of the State and put them on their guard against the operations of the other side.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 212-3

C. W. C. Dunnington to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, July 25, 1857

WASHINGTON, D. C., July 25, 1857.

DEAR SIR: Having a few moments leisure, I have concluded to address you on the subject of the Senatorial election next winter. Not having the least doubt of your re-election, it has created surprise in my mind to hear some of the friends of Gov. Wise express themselves in the most sanguine terms as to the probability of his succeeding you. Gov. Wise and Mr. Faulkner seem to be on very friendly terms just now. It is said Mr. F[aulkner] is to help Wise to the Senate, while Gov. W[ise] is to use all his influence to secure Mr. F[aulkner]'s nomination for governor, and at the expiration of Mr. F[aulkner]'s gubernatorial term he expects to succeed your colleague in the Senate. It is well to be on your guard against the movements of these aspiring gentlemen.

Walker's course in Kansas has caused the administration much trouble. The cabinet, I have reason to believe are divided on the subject, and that the position of Georgia has rather weakened Mr. Cobb's influence.

Forney is causing much uneasiness. It is whispered that Cobb is concerned in the movement, and that the new paper will support him for the nomination next time. I know that the conductors of the "Union," are very jealous of the movement, and are of the above opinion.

The feud in Indiana between the friends of Gov. Bright and Gov. Wright has not been quieted by the appointment of Gov. W[right]¹ and will brake out again at no early day.

There is no friendly feeling existing between Messrs. Bright and Douglas. Mr. D[ouglas] blames Gov. B[right] for the way in which the Indiana delegation voted at Cincinnati.

There is some talk of De Witt purchasing the interest of R. M. Smith in the Virginia Sentinel. I expect Gov. Smith will not favor the plan. Some of Gov. S[mith]'s constituents are blaming him for recommending a fellow named Wileman Thomas, from his district, for a high position here. Thomas is a notorious scoundrel, bankrupt in politics, morals, and purse. He was a know nothing, attended the Winchester convention, but was denied admittance, because he was self appointed. He procured the recommendation of several respectable gentlemen, and then obtained the endorsement of Gov. Wise to the genuineness of their democracy. I mention this matter for fear he may annoy you with his importunities. I should not be surprised if he received an appointment, as he voted for Mr. Buchanan, which absolves a man from all sins against the democratic party.

The Intelligencer of this morning contains a very handsome notice of your Lexington address, part of which it published. I would send you the paper, but suppose you take it.

_______________

¹ Joseph Albert Wright, governor of Indiana, 1849-1857; a Representative in Congress, 1843-1845; Senator, 1862-1863; Minister to Prussia, 1857-1861, also 1865-1867.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 213-4

Joseph Lea, of Hecker, Lea & Co. to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, February 23, 1857

PHILADELPHIA, [PA.], February 23d, 1857.

ESTEEMED FRIEND: Permit me to remind you, that four years since, at your request, the Senate amended one of the Bills, by which the small amount of duties collected on Flax Machinery, within a specified time, was to be refunded, and such machinery subsequently admitted free for three years. Kentucky, Virginia, Penns[ylvani]a, and Ohio, raise more flax than all the other States together, and we cordially concur in the Free admission of machinery, wh[ic]h will thus assist those States in the more rapid development of their agricultural resources, and add immensely to the national wealth. We have associated with some of the most intelligent merchants of other cities in the first attempts at manufacturing Linens. At great expense have sent Agents and Circulars, thro' the South and West; employed the public journals and spared no pains to direct attention to the best methods now adopted in Europe for the culture of flax. These efforts have not been fruitless, and we believe that Kentucky and Virginia will in a few years largely export flax, of wh[ic]h they are already the chief producers.

The manufacture of Linen goods has encountered at the outset great obstacles; our planters being unable to furnish the staple of proper quality, must gradually acquire the knowledge of preparing it, while the blockade of the Baltic during the late European war, greatly enhanc[e]d the price of foreign supplies, and entailed upon this infant interest, struggling for existence, serious and disheartening trials.

The Tariff which has just passed the House, and ere this may have been placed in y[ou]r hands, admits flax machinery free, hereafter, but we hope it will strike your honorable mind, that simple justice should at least be extend[e]d to those who have pioneered this branch of industry, by a refund of the trifling duties collected on flax machinery since Jan[uar]y 1st, 1850, to those now using the same; thus placing us on equal terms with our subsequent competitors.

I beg leave to assure you, that the refund of those duties, would in the present exigencies of the trade, do more to sustain and encourage the demand for American flax, than the remission of all future duties on flax machinery, while the suspension of this enterprise, and change of those mills to Cotton, must put back the developement of flax cultivation for several years, and long preclude our planters from realizing very profitable returns from their hitherto worthless fibre. The propriety of placing the first spinners of flax on as good terms as the last, we trust will obtain for them and this growing interest, your renewed favor, and if it be improper to give a Retrospective feature to the present Tariff Bill, may we ask you to make such amendment to one of the Appropriation Bills, as will authorize the Sec[retar]y of Treasury to refund to parties now in use thereof, the duties collected on Flax Machinery since Jan[uar]y 1st, 1850, the amount of which might be limited to the sum of $100,000 dollars?

We beg y[ou]r further consideration of the very great importance of having the new act, go into effect on April 1st next, so as to obviate an immense warehousing of goods imported for the fall trade. The postponement of the Act until July 1st, will make the market bare of many articles, now proposed for the Free List, and enhance prices to the detriment of the consumer, whilst its early enforcement will secure more regularity in the business, of the Customs, and occasion the least disturbance to commerce.

The policy of Sec[retar]y Guthrie, of approaching Free Trade by removing the imposts on all raw materials, meets the approval of all intelligent minds, and if now adopted must give the new administration a positive assurance of prosperity and success. To you, in the distinguished and most important position in which we now address you, more than to any other member of the Senate, is the public attention directed, relying on y[ou]r wisdom and experience to dissipate those clouds wh[ic]h now darken the financial affairs of our country.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 203-5

Lewis E. Harvie to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, March 11, 1857

DYKELAND, AMELIA CO., [VA.], March 11, 1857.

DEAR HUNTER: Supposing that you will be at Washington during this week I address to you there. Pryor is very busy getting his paper under way and I confidently believe will get a large circulation very speedily. It is important that he start right and honestly. You should write to him or to me as to his course and particularly as to the Land question, about which his mind is considerably "exercised." It is Banquo's ghost to him and especially since the vote of some of our friends on distributing or depositing the surplus in the treasury. He desires conference with you on that subject and it seems to me important that his views and committals should be well digested before he breaks ground. I write to bring this about. Tell me what we are to expect from this administration. If coming events cast their shadows before I augur the worst. I am however for waiting for overt acts and against any such judgments founded upon conjecture or distrust, because of injudicious or distasteful appointments. I was almost led into opposition to Pierce by that and I am getting to be wary and cautious as my head is growing gray. Buchanan had no especial reason to confide in us that I know of and therefore we have no ground to complain that he didn't. At all events we can't make other people think so and there is no use in opposing him in anticipation, when in all human probabillity we shall be fully justified in it by his future conduct. He has been leading a loose life too long to become chaste all of a sudden. Tell me about the Cabinet and other appointments. I don't hear of or dread any opposition to you hereabouts. I got my Delegate to commit himself publicly and take some credit to my tact for it. You ought to write to Mallory. I did and found him true but not advised and I think sore over it.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 205

Francis Mallory to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, April 21, 1857

NORFOLK, [VA.], April 21, 1857.

DEAR HUNTER: I have just received your letter of the 15[th] and expecting to leave town in the morning I thought I would drop you a line before doing so to keep you advised of the state of things down here. And perhaps advices from this quarter may not be altogether without value being, as it is, one of the strongest outposts of your enemies. Their strength induces less of caution than may be observed elsewhere, and I know as well the condition of things at head quarters as if I were in communication by electro magnetism. Not that names are mentioned but from the tone of remarks indulged in by the initiated. You may prepare for War next winter. It will I fear be fastened on you and a few silly speeches of honest, but imprudent friends, will be the pretext, not the excuse but the justification. I cannot repeat all that I hear because of my peculiar relation to the two parties nor would I make mischief or widen the breach between those who stand towards me in the attitude of personal friendship. I am a well wisher of both and would hate myself could I be guilty of injustice to either. No selfish purpose have I to promote for declining health and energy forbid all aspirations. I aided somewhat in putting you in the way of going to the Senate and I am unwilling to see you "crushed out" without cause and guiltless of offence. Booker, who is really your friend, paid a visit to Richmond and when he returned I was on a visit to my farm. He rode over to see me and as I learned after he went away, for the purpose of consulting with me in order to try (if possible) if we could not bring about a reconciliation and better understanding between you and W[ise]. But several gentlemen were present and he left without the opportunity. This occurrence caused me to fear that hostilities which I had hoped were at an end, were about to be placed on a serious and enduring footing. Since then the weather together with my railroad engagements have prevented me from visiting the County.

Booker I suspect heard in person remarks which have been used in my presence here by W[ise]'s particular friends. Some of them speak freely before me and some half confidentially which embarrasses me much because while I am at liberty to speak or write of the first the last I would not communicate; and yet I may blend and mix them up together so as to be suspected of treachery where I am acting or mean to act in good faith. I have sought no mans confidence but sometimes it is thrust upon me, as if it were meant to commit me in a direction the very opposite of that I desire. To W[ise]'s more confidential friends my preferences are known, and his most intimate one in this town remarked to me the other night that I was the only man in Norfolk who could go to the Legislature by his consent who would not be required to pledge himself to go for W[ise] for the Senate if his name was brought forward. "His obligations to me personally would induce him to let me of all men in the city be a candidate of the Democracy without committing myself." They talk, freely in this way: "If H[unter]'s friends keep up their war on W[ise] we must carry it into Africa." "W[ise] is not to be driven off by threat." W[ise] says he dont want the place but, "by God, he will not yield an inch now." They (Hunters friends) will not let him (W[ise]) alone but force the issue on W[ise] and he and his party are ready to meet it. In other words they are determined not to be satisfied and will act over if they can the fable of the Lamb and the muddy water below the drinking place of the monarch of the forest. I write you about the imprudent speeches of your friends in Richmond I might have added Washington too. There is a constant fire kept up on Wise by certain parties in both places who chase him to madness and I do not blame him as much as I do them. I do not allude to Floyd for of his movements I know nothing. But maybe those whose peculiar relations to both parties should make them ministers of peace and not stirers up of stife and jealousy. A remark of Bocock in [the] presence of an M. D. in Washington reached Wise's ears and was repeated here in my hearing. This is a delicate subject to write about for I know not your feelings or relationship to the party and what I say is strictly confidential for I do not desire to be connected with that affair. I do not want to make mischief but to put you on your guard and thus checkmate those who would. How to remedy this state of things I cannot see. Peace could be restored if there was a desire for peace really entertained. When one is bent on insulting another it may be postponed but will come sooner or later.

How far an organized effort has been made to secure the Legislature I am totally in the dark but when men of a certain stamp could be secured without noise it has been done. Your opponents however feel secure and speak as if your destiny was in their keeping. Their forbearance alone, they think, can save you from annihilation, and if you go into the contest, you rush on certain defeat. They "cant sacrifice W[ise] for you." I know not what advice to give for I am not master of the ground but if I can in any manner be instrumental in bringing about a good understanding between you I should be most happy to do so. I hope the bitter cup of choosing between you and him will never be presented to my lips. I held no familiar or intimate correspondence with him. He understands me well and I do not know that he takes it unkindly. He has never sought to advance me, holding my abilities in low esteem but he is not I think unfriendly. I am not in his way and would not if I could harm him. If your positions were reversed I would vote against you to keep him in the Senate. I will see Booker and will write to you on my return. If not too late we may, if any party can, reconcile the difficulty. For the present you can only remain perfectly silent but if hostilities continue you and your friends have to enter on an active campaign. Mix about among the people in different portions of the state, accept all invitations to make public addresses. You have hitherto kept too much aloof from the masses relying on the leaders. The people dont know you. Your love for retirement has caused you to neglect those small attentions which tell among them. Travel to the springs, come down to Old Point and make yourself busy for you have work before you if these complaints of the other party break out into open war. There is something going on here about office. Loyall and Sawyer are in imminent danger. You have done enough for them. Let things take their course. They would not risk any thing for you, one because it is his nature, the other because he is afraid. Their removal will do you no harm and you could not prevent it. There are influences working against them at Washington which you cannot counteract. I should not be surprised if the next mail brought Simkins app[ointment]t as Navy Agent. W[ise] is in Washington and the first roll of Floyd's thunder has been heard. I mean to take no action on the subject and you as I said have acted your part. Strange to say the K[now] N[othings], if opportunity comes, will sustain W[ise] against you on the principle that the Dog licks the hand that flays him. Dr. Robinson an old tool of Floyds and a dirty one at that will be supported here for the Senate by Wise men, tho' master and men have scorned him as the vilest scoundrel in the land. He will vote for W[ise] against H[unter]. Robinson after being refused admittance time after time into the K[now] N[othing] Camp as too mean for their association crept in thro' a North Carolina lodge, was ruled off in all his attempts to obtain position, voted for Flournoy &c, apostalized and is now to be a candidate of the Democracy of Norfolk and gentlemen have publickly vowed to vote for him in the issue between Wise and Hunter. But let him alone. I dont think he can be elected and if he could his vote will go with his interest and no where else. His opponent McKenny is at least doubtful tho' I think I could control him. Segar will go from Elizabeth City County. But on him no sort of reliance can be placed. He speaks against you. I hear nothing from Muscoe or of him. I think his election very safe. He will get the vote of the W[ise] party but not their hearty support. They never speak of him and seem indifferent about his success. I have written you Hunter a long rigma role letter which when read burn. It is for no eye but for your own. I have written freely and perhaps my letter may prove an unwelcome messenger. It is kindly meant however and I thought it due to our former relations. My own career has been unfortunate as a politician. I never had the education or industry to entitle me to a high position and I never aspired to one. As Wise remarked of me "I have had quite as much as I could expect." But if in quitting the field for ever I can be the means of contributing but a mite towards rescuing an old friend from a conspiracy I shall at least have accomplished one good act.

[P. S.] Pardon this long letter. I will not soon repeat the dose. Of McClean I know nothing. Sawyer wont give him a place. He dare not. His paper could not succeed unless he bought one of the Demo[cratic] papers now established. Then it might. Both are for sale.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 205-9

Congressman William O. Goode to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, July 21, 1857

BOYDTON, VA., July 21, 1857.

DEAR HUNTER: I send herewith a letter to our friend Montague, which I must ask you to direct properly and commit to the mail. I do not know his p[ost] office. I very sincerely congratulate you on your speech at Lexington. I have read it with pleasure and admiration. I had occasion to pay a very hasty visit to the Rockbridge Alum (to take a daughter there and leave her) a few days after you left, and from all quarters your effort was greatly extolled. I hope I shall have it in pamphlet form.

What is to be the end of the Walker movement in Kansas? Will it not be made the issue next winter in the General Assembly of Virginia? or rather is it not designed to make it affect the election of Senators? I should like to know your position and views on the subject. In the present aspect of affairs, what should we do?

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 210

Lewis E. Harvie to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, June 16, 1856

RICHMOND, [VA.], June 16th, 1856.

MY DEAR HUNTER: On my way back from Cincinnati I called to see you in Washington. I had much to say to you not only of the past but the future. I have thought much since we met last and now that I can look back calmly at all that has occurred I write the result of my reflections not without the hope that you may be somewhat influenced by them. You have heard and know how utterly Bright and Douglas disappointed our expectations and how false and hollow were their professions. That they were fair as long as it was their interest and false as soon as that bond was broken. And you must have come to the conclusion that the Presidency is not to be won simply by combinations and arrangements with men and that least of all are men seeking high place influenced by gratitude. It is only necessary to look to Wise to come to that conclusion. Even with the help of friends, such as few men have had, the battle has been lost. I am now coming to the object of my letter which is to urge upon you to adopt a different line of policy altogether from what you have heretofore pursued and which to some extent I know to be somewhat foreign to your tastes and nature. I want you my dear friend, to discard altogether, if possible, all thought of the Presidency from your mind, at all events so far as to be uninfluenced by it in your future course in the Senate. I want you to put yourself at the head of the South and where you ought to stand and strike hard and heavy and frequent blows and that at once.

The South has no leader and sadly wants one. It is a post that has been waiting your acceptance since Mr Calhoun's death. It is your duty to fill it and your interest too. Men say you are too timid, overcautious, that you wish nothing and thus it is that you have lost friends, power and influence. You must launch out into the sea of strife, your safety requiring it, your hope of renown depends on it, your own interest and that of the country demands it, and your 'ability to pay the just debts that you owe to Messrs. Wise, Bright, and Douglas and Co. is dependent on it. Leave the dull routine of your former Senatorial life, wean yourself from your Committee and throw yourself into the patriotick current and be as you ought to be the champion of the South in the Senate of the U[nited] States and you will have the power to control and make presidents. You can earn more true glory in the Senate, you can be more useful to the country, and wield a more powerful influence over the destinies of your race than in the Presidential chair. In addition to this I am confident that the course I recommend is the only one to lead to the Presidency. That must be won by you if at all, unsought. I have written to you more freely than any one else will, my dear friend, because perhaps I have been more enlisted in what has concerned you and your promotion. I know I write however, what all your true friends feel and while these are my decided convictions and therefore communicated, at the same time they are the opinions of all your friends with whom I have conversed and have been for years. Of such men as Seddon and Mr Old, whom you know I think the wisest, as he is the fairest, man that I have ever known. In order to take the position you are entitled to and ought to occupy you ought to launch out and strike so as to make your position, your own peculiar property and give us a Hunter platform to stand on, in order to keep down the huckstering traders who have so foully betrayed you at home and abroad. Write to me upon the receipt of this and let us hereafter keep up a more uninterrupted correspondence. I will only add that your friends in Cincinnati did all that could be done and like me look to the Senate for a justification of their confidence.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 199-8

James Alfred Pearce* to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, October 17, 1856

CHESTERTOWN, [MD.], October 17, 1856.

MY DEAR SIR: I fear that I shall not be successful in the money affair. There is a shyness about all investments not promising immediate returns and profits. Indeed money is scarce in proof of which I may mention that one of the wealthy men in Balt[imore] is taking deposits on call at 5 percentium. One great difficulty is that the mortgage for the proposed loan is not preferred but comes in for paper with so much more. I will make one more trial and if that do not succeed will abandon any further effort.

I cannot give much hope of our political matters. There will be gains for B[uchana]n in some of our counties but the old Whigs generally swallow with a blind faith the resolves of the convention, Donaldson and all. They are besides confident that Filmore will be elected if not by the people at least by the H[ouse of] R[epresentatives] in which they say democrats and republicans will prefer him each to the other. The success of the former ticket in Penn[sylvani]a encourages them, they say that the Fremont men there will fall into Filmore's support being satisfied of their inability to elect a ticket of their own and consequently will nominate none. They say the proposed plan of "Thad" [Thaddeus] Stevens will not prevail but will be scented by the Filmore men and that the Black republicans will surrender at discretion to them, as they have to the K[now] Nothings. I have made several speeches and shall make two more but I do not think that I can accomplish much except to alienate old friends and make my social as well as political relations anything but pleasant. The Whigs here are talking strongly of Virg[ini]a as likely to go for Filmore.

The Florida election gives them encourage[men]t in the South and the Mayors election in Balt[imore] gives them exulting confidence of success in this State. Shortsighted they seem to me and blind to their own interests. What think you of all these calculations which I have mentioned? We do not know the condition of things at the West. Ohio is of course fanatical in the extreme and Indiana seems doubtful. Can you give us any hopes in that quarter. The most we can hope for with confidence is that the election will go to the H[ouse] R[epresentatives] and what then? There's the rub. It is a fortunate thing that the democrats have carried so many members of Congress in P[ennsylvani]a and the legislature and that some gains have also been made in Ohio. This will enable us to hold the moody heads in check in Congress until perhaps the delusion may abate.

I read with pleasure y[ou]r speech at Poughkeepsie. They called on me to report one of mine made in Worcester C[ount]y, [Md.], but I cannot remember a two hours speech made without notes and tho' I might write a speech it w[oul]d not be the speech. This state would I believe submit quietly to the repeal of the Kansas act and only growl a little at the essential modification of the fugitive slave law. If I were a young man I should sell my property here and look for a new home among a more southern people. The labouring men of our City sustain the Know Nothings because they wish to banish the competition of foreign labourers, So I am told.

Pray let me hear from you if you are not overwhelmed with correspondence as I suppose you are.

_______________

* A Representative in Congress from Maryland, 1835-1839 and 1840-1843; in the United States Senate from 1843 to 1862.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 198-9

W. Grandin to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, October 18, 1856

NEW YORK, [N. Y.], October 18, 1856.

MY DEAR SIR: The glorious results of the elections of the 14th Inst in Pennsylvania, Indiana and even Ohio have made the calling and election of B[uchanan] and B[reckinridge] by the people next month "a fixed fact!"

Permit me to offer my hearty congratulations to one who will have contributed in such large measure to such "consummation devoutly to be wished"; not only by a long and brilliant career as a Statesman, but particularly by his masterly and profound exposition of national, democratic truths in this State. I sent you a copy of the Daily News (with which I am now connected) commenting upon this effort at Poughkeepsie.

Such has been the inspiriting effect upon the people of New York that truly I should not be surprised to find them following the example of P[ennsylvani]a and Indiana. The Herald in its leader gives up the contest!

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 199-200

John Pettit* to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, November 10, 1856

LAFAYETTE, INDIANA, November 10, 1856.

MY DEAR SIR: The smoke of the battle has cleared away and we are victorious. I congratulate you and the country on this glorious result and I sincerely hope that Mr. Buchanan may call you to the head of his Cabinet for I know of no man more worthy or better qualified. I expressed to you similar views before the formation of Mr. Pierce's Cabinet and do not wish to flatter you, but this is my honest desire. If I can serve you, intimate in what way.

We have carried our Legislature and shall elect two senators, Mr. Bright will be one, and I want and ought to be the other and can be if Mr. Bright will co-operate with me. Am I asking too much in asking you to write Mr. B[right] at once, urging him to unite his friends with mine for our mutual election? If so, you will pardon me for this intrusion, but believe me your sincere friend.

_______________

* A Representative in Congress from Indiana, 1843-1849; a Senator, 1853-1855. He was not successful in his efforts for a reelection in 1856.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 200

Daniel M. Barringer* to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, November 11, 1856

CHARLOTTE, MECKLENBURG CO., N. C.,

November 11th, 1856.

MY DEAR SIR: I congratulate you and all true national men on the glorious result of the Presidential Election and especially on the decisive vote of the great mother of States and Statesmen. The "Old North" has also performed her duty nobly in this crisis, greatly increasing the majority of August last. Old Mecklenburg where I live has again vindicated principles as important to us, as those of the Revolution.

I read with the greatest pleasure your brilliant speech during the Campaign, at Poughkeepsie and had parts of it circulated in our papers, with good effect.

But, my dear Sir, the great struggle for us in the South is not yet finally ended. We must stand to our arms, Favoritism and bigotry, are even now again raising their heads. We must be always ready.

_______________

* A Representative in Congress from North Carolina, 1843-1849; minister to Spain, 1849-1853.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 200

George Booker to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, November 16, 1856

NEAR HAMPTON, [VA.], 16th November, 1856.

MY DEAR HUNTER: I have been thinking about this Southern Convention which is to meet at Savannah on the 8th [of] next month and it occurs to me and I suggest to you the importance of your going there, which may influence the action of the next administration of great importance to the south.

If we can succeed in Kansas, keep down the Tariff, shake off our Commercial dependence upon the North and add a little more slave territory, we may yet live free men under the Stars and Strip[e]s. Mr. Buchanan, if not committed to the "balance idea" is to the acquisition of more southern territory.

The next few years must be eventful ones in our history, may, probably will, decide the fate of the Union, at all events the destines of our section. Mr. Buchanan and the Northern Democracy are dependent upon the South, an extraordinary course of things here placed them and us in this attitude towards each other. Shall we use our power? or suffer things of such magnitudes to be controlled by our enemies, by accident, or any other causes? I repeat I want you to go to Savannah. Please tell me what you know of Dudley Mann and his line of steamers from the Chesapeake bay to Millford, is he a practical man and is his enterprise likely to be successful?

Who is to be in the Cabinet from V[irgini]a? Kindest regards to Garnett. Tell him I want him to examine and consider our Naturalization laws, as soon as he can. It does seem to me time to check this flood of emigration, the chief element of Northern power and ascendency. Tell him I would not only have him use K[now] N[othing] thunder but the thunder bolts of Heaven to crush the enemies of the South.

Ask him to tell me hereafter at his leisure why it was he ran ahead of Mr. Buchanan in every county at every precinct. Was it his eloquence? Was it Mr. Saunder's position? Was it Buchanan's position? Fillmore's position? What cause? What combination produced that striking result?

Tell him his district is proud of him and wishes him to grow in influence, in importance, in power fast as possible, but when he begins to grow "National” we shall begin to grow cold.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 200-1

George W. Munford to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, November 22, 1856

(Confidential.)

RICHMOND, [VA.], November 22d, 1856.

DEAR SIR: Feeling anxious that Virginia should be properly represented in Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet and believing that her interests and those of the South would be guarded with filial affection by you, it would afford me great pleasure to see you in a position where your advice would command the attention and respect to which it would be entitled and your talents be appropriated usefully to the Country. I know they are so already, but of course I mean in a different position from the one you now occupy. I think I am in a situation from which I may be of service to you and therefore do not hesitate to ask you in confidence and to be used in the same way, whether you would accept a seat in the Cabinet and would be satisfied with the post of Secretary of the Treasury.

Amid the general rejoicing for the great Victory achieved by the Democratic party and which we had hoped would have given us repose for at least four years longer, I cannot but regret that Mr. Buchanan should have done any thing to render less buoyant the feelings of his true friends. His letter on the Pacific Railroad in my opinion runs counter to all the cherished opinions and principles of Virginia on internal improvements and opens a wide door to a system of wild expenditure and extravagance that knows no bounds. Please let me hear from you as speedily as convenient.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 201-2

Lewis E. Harvie to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, November 23, 1856

(Confidential.)

[AMELIA CO., VA.], November 23, 1856.

DEAR HUNTER: I was in Richmond yesterday and saw Pryor who has heard from Washington that there is some effort being made there to get him selected as one of the two coeditors of the organ of the new administration at Washington. His circumstances and possibly his ambition would prompt him to desire this place earnestly tho' he says he is making no effort to get it. Dr. Garnett has written to him that he should urge Wise to apply to Buchanan for it on behalf of Pryor. On the other hand Beverly Tucker is struggling for it and says that Wise is committed to him. Thus much for that. I also found that Pryor thought that Wise would urge the offer of Secretary of State to be made to you and thought if so you ought to accept it. Reed [?] had heard Beverly Tucker say that Wise would turn you out of the Senate when the election came on. Now Pryor is a true man and true to you and moreover is under some obligations to some of your friends that he feels and wont disregard, but if he were to be the Editor of such a paper, you being of the Cabinet, would be what of all things he would desire and I am writing to you to warn and guard you in case such an offer be again and any advice he may offer by letter or otherwise. If it be made it will of course be for one of two reasons either because they know you will not accept it and thus get for Wise and his President the credit of having made the offer, or to create a vacancy in the Senate for Wise.

Now it is so clear to me that you ought not to go into the Cabinet and that you ought to remain in the Senate that I can scarcely think there is any occasion for writing. This Administration can't stand, at the end of four years; at all events there must be another and a fiercer struggle than has just taken place and you ought to be in the Senate preparing yourself and the country for it, sustaining the administration in all measures calculated to secure our rights, leading the Southern men and forming and wielding them in a solid and compact mass. You can and will have more power in the Senate than if President. It is expected, it is conceded that you must take the lead and it is not in the power of any party or partizans to arrest your career. So confident do I feel of this, so clear does it seem to me that I should think you mad if not criminal if you were to doubt or hesitate. I write strongly because I feel so. There is no necessity for the sacrifice there is no propriety in it. Your acceptance of this offer if made would be laid to the account of timidity or mere love of place and in either case your power and usefulness would be lost. Don't then entertain any such idea for a moment. If the offer that I just spoke of be made to Pryor, his poverty will make him accept it and the power that he is exerting thro' the Enquirer will be lost to him and that will be a great loss to us, but nevertheless you are invincible in the State and those who assail you will find it to be so. I think he will write to you and it is as well that you have some knowledge of his views beforehand. Of course all of this letter in regard to him is strictly confidential.

Present my warmest congratulations to Garnett and say to him that I am not only rejoiced at his success but proud of it. I don't doubt but that his Excellency [Wise] will write to him to the same effect and possibly that he secured his nomination and election. I wish you would sometimes write to me without my forcing you to do so in answer to my letters and tell me what is in the wind. I should like to see you before you go to Washington but if not I will see you then.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 202-3

Diary of George Templeton Strong, April 17, 1860

After an apology for a dinner, I went to [Arnold] Guyot’s lecture at the Law School. Well attended and very hot; lecture original and interesting. Thereafter discoursed with Guyot, whom I like, and General Scott, the most urbane of conquerors. Curious it is to observe the keen, sensitive interest with which he listens to every whisper about nominations for the coming presidential campaign.

The Charleston Convention will nominate Douglas, I think. Then comes the sanhedrim of the undeveloped Third Party. It is not at all unlikely Scott may be its nominee. In that case, it is possible the Republican Convention may adopt him. I wish things might take that course, but hardly hope it. Neither Douglas nor Hunter nor Banks suits me.

SOURCE: Allan Nevins and Milton Halset Thomas, Editors, Diary of George Templeton Strong, Vol. 3, p. 22

George W. Thompson* to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, May 24, 1856

[WHEELING, VA.?], May 24th, 1856.

DEAR SIR: I have had a somewhat desultory correspondence with my old friend Linn Boyd.¹ He thinks it likely, he will be put in nomination for the Presidency by Kentucky. I do not think he has much hope beyond this. You are his first choice when his claims are disposed of. I wrote him last week a letter intended to satisfy him, that the danger was in the nomination of Douglass whom he very cordially dislikes for various reasons, and that his true policy was to get the nomination from K[entuck]y and to hold on to it until Buchanan and Pierce were out of the way, which I think will soon be the case and then to give the fruits of the game to you. He has no respect for Mr. Buchanan and a decided hostility to Pierce and Douglass. His choice after you would be Rusk.² But I hope he can control the Kentucky delegation and if he can I think it most likely that at an early stage of the game he will go for you. I deem this important as our own state from the division which exists will be measurably impotent in the Convention and as their is a growing jealously of our influence in the nominating Convention by Ohio and other states. I cannot but think that most of the south must take you in preference. The state-rights party all over the south must prefer you, if there is any reason in mens preferences, before any other man named either north or south and I have been inclined to think that the Pierce movement was for your benefit only. But I intended only in this note to write you in relation to Boyd and to suggest a cautious movement on the part of your confidential friends towards Boyd's K[entuck]y friends in Con[gres]s. The manner of this approach I cannot suggest for I cannot anticipate the actual condition of things which may make it proper or improper. If I hear that Boyd himself is at Cincinnatti I will go down myself if it is possible for me to leave. Russell is for Buchanan first from choice. He is for you on the second. Neeson I understand personally prefers Pierce, but must go for "Buck," but "Buck" and Pierce being pitted and killed by the same operation he will then I think go for you. But we will soon know the result.

_______________

* A Democratic Representative in Congress from Virginia, 1851-1852.

¹ A Representative in Congress from Kentucky, 1835-1837 and 1839-1855; twice elected Speaker of the House, 1851-1855.

²Thomas Jefferson Rusk, a Senator in Congress from Texas, 1845-1857.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 195

Erastus T. Montague to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, June 9, 1856

WASHINGTON, [D. C.], June 9th, 1856.

DEAR HUNTER: I presume you have heard ere this of the action of the Cincinnati Convention and its utter abandonment of most of the great cardinal principles of the Democratic party.

I have never before despaired of the Republic but I confess that since ascertaining the nominee and reading the platform and addendum, I have but little hope for the future. The constitutional party have been basely sold for the contemptible consideration of office, and what is most humiliating our hitherto honored state seems to have taken the lead in the treacherous proceeding. It is true some of our friends resisted. But in my judgment they should never have yielded but rather have withdrawn with a protest. From all I can learn, there was a perfect understanding between the friends of Mr. Buchanan and the Internal Improvement men and Fillibusters that if elected he should favor all their wild and unconstitutional measures. That Virginia should have contributed to such a result is too bad to think about.

I returned on Saturday but deferred writing till today that I might inform you whether the Senate would do any business of importance this week and I learn that nothing will be done for a fortnight except making speeches for home consumption.

Judge Butler has the floor for Thursday next, in reply to Sumners abusive tirade. The Judge is still alone Messrs. Mason and Goode being still absent.

But few of the members of the convention have returned. I have seen but one, Houston of Alabama. He is quite as much dissatisfied with their proceedings as I am.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 196

Roger A. Pryor* to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, June 11, 1856

RICHMOND, [VA.], June 11th, 1856.

MY DEAR SIR: We are to have a ratification meeting in this City next Friday night; and I write to entreat a speech from you on the occasion. Your presence is absolutely indispensable, not to the interests of the candidates, but to the fortunes of our wing of the party in the State. You will understand me without further explanation. Come, with the warmest speech your conscience will allow. Bring Mr. Mason and others of our friends. Bob, by all means come yourself. Write me an affirmative reply. Don't disappoint me and neglect your own interests.

_______________

* A Representative in Congress from Virginia, 1859-1861; editor of the Richmond South, 1857-1859.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 196