We have the authority of the New Orleans Delta for saying that the Douglas movement lately attempted in that city, for its influence upon the State and the South was a sorry fizzle. At the close of the dreary ceremonies, three rousing cheers were given for John Slidell and the seceding delegations, when the meeting adjourned.
Will accept all
good, equipped troops under Act 21st August, that will offer for ninety days.
Let people of Louisiana understand here is the proper place to
defend Louisiana.
G. T. BEAUREGARD.
SOURCE: Alfred
Roman, The Military Operations of General Beauregard in the War Between
the States: 1861 to 1865, Vol. 1, p. 504
Dear Brother: I see
my name was used in the debate yesterday on Louisiana matters.1
Neither the
President or Secretary of War ever consulted me about Louisiana matters.
Sheridan received his orders direct from the Secretary of War and
Adjutant-General Townsend, and started on telegraphic notice, writing me a
short note stating the fact, and that the Secretary of War would explain to me.
The latter sent me a
copy of the orders and instructions by mail, which I received after General
Sheridan had gone, and I simply acknowledged their receipt.
I have all along
tried to save our officers and soldiers from the dirty work imposed on them by
the city authorities of the South; and may, thereby, have incurred the
suspicion of the President that I did not cordially sustain his force. My hands
and conscience are free of any of the breaches of fundamental principles in
that quarter. And I have always thought it wrong to bolster up weak State
governments by our troops. We should keep the peace always; but not act as bailiff
constables and catch thieves. That should be beneath a soldier's vocation. If
you want information of the conditions up the Red River, call for a report
recently made by Lieutenant-Colonel Morrow, personally known to you. . . .
1 The "Louisiana matters" were the
reconstruction difficulties which so many of the Southern States were
experiencing. General Sherman objected to the detailing of army officers to
assist the State authorities in keeping the peace.
SOURCE: Rachel
Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between
General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 342
Dear Brother: I read
carefully your speech,1 and your reasoning is very close; much more
so than Thurman's and others, and I was glad you could make so good a defence.
I know that our soldiers hate that kind of duty terribly, and not one of those
officers but would prefer to go to the plains against the Indians, rather than
encounter a street mob, or serve a civil process.
But in our
government it is too hard for our troops to stand up in the face of what is
apparent: that the present government of Louisiana is not the choice of the
people, though in strict technical law it is the State government. I recognize
the great necessity of standing by the lawful
State government,
but the soldiers do not. The quicker you allow the people to select their own
governors the better, and if necessary pile on the effort to secure a fair
election, and prevent intimidation of voters.
I was always
embarrassed by the plain, palpable fact, that the Union whites are cowardly,
and allow the rebel element that loves to fight, to cow them. Until the Union
whites, and negroes too, fight for their own rights they will be trodden down.
Outside help sooner or later must cease, for our army is ridiculously small, in
case of actual collision. It is only the memory of our war power, that operates
on the rebel element now. They have the votes, the will, and will in the end
prevail. Delay only gives them sympathy elsewhere. . . .
1 On the Louisiana matters. The "Louisiana
matters" were the reconstruction difficulties which so many of the
Southern States were experiencing. General Sherman objected to the detailing of
army officers to assist the State authorities in keeping the peace.
SOURCE: Rachel
Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between
General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 343-4
Neither Seward nor Stanton was at Cabinet council. Seward is on his way to the West Indies, Gulf, etc. He wishes to be absent until the issues are fully made up and the way is clear for him what course to take. There may be other objects, but this is the chief. The talk about his health is ridiculous. He is as well as he has been at any time for five years. Stanton had no occasion to be present. Some discussion as to whether the State of Louisiana is entitled to cotton bought by the Rebel organization or government. Dennison and myself had a free talk with the President after the others left. Although usually reticent, he at times speaks out, and he expressed himself emphatically to-day. The manner in which things had been got up by the Radicals before the session he commented upon. "This little fellow [Colfax] shoved in here to make a speech in advance of the message, and to give out that the principle enunciated in his speech was the true policy of the country," were matters alluded to with sharpness, as were the whole preconcerted measures of the Radicals. "I do not hear that the colored people called or were invited to visit Sumner or Wilson," said the President, "but they came here and were civilly treated."
SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 409-10
[January, 1861.]
. . . Louisiana will surely secede this month,
but no hostile movements will take place for some time, and about the 4th of
March the plots and counterplots of the politicians, who save the people of
this country the trouble of government, will become manifest; then something
must be done or all this confusion will become a farce.
I happened to
stumble on an article in the papers saying that Mrs. Anderson had appealed to
the president in behalf of her husband. Her appeal would have moved any man of
feeling, I know that well. Anderson is the very man for the place, and will do
his duty, and if communication be opened to the sea, the war may be narrowed
down to that point as it should. Otherwise it may spread all over the country.
We must wait as patiently as possible. . .
ALEXANDRIA, Nov. 23, 1860.
We are having a cold raw day and I avail myself of it to do a good deal of indoor work. I was out for some hours directing the making of the fence around our new house, but the work within proceeds very slowly indeed. Our house is all plastered and the carpenters are putting in the doors, windows, and casings. Also the painter is tinkering around, but at present rate the building will not be ready before Christ
I now have all arrangements made for your coming down about that time, but prudence dictates some caution as political events do seem portentous.
I have a letter from the cashier that he sent you the first of exchange, the second I now enclose to you for two hundred ninety dollars. But by the very mail which brought it came the rumor that the banks are refusing exchange on the North, which cannot be true; also that goods were being destroyed on the levee at New Orleans and that the Custom House was closed. I also notice that many gentlemen who were heretofore moderate in their opinions now begin to fall into the popular current and go with the mad foolish crowd that seems bent on a dissolution of this confederacy.
The extremists in this quarter took the first news of the election of Lincoln so coolly, that I took it for granted all would quietly await the issue; but I have no doubt that politicians have so embittered the feelings of the people that they think that the Republican Party is bent on abolitionism, and they cease to reason or think of consequences.
We are so retired up here, so much out of the way of news, that we hear nothing but stale exaggerations; but I feel that a change is threatened and I will wait patiently for a while. My opinions are not changed.
If the South is bent on disunion of course I will not ally our fate with theirs, because by dissolution they do not escape the very danger at which they grow so frantically mad. Slavery is in their midst and must continue, but the interest of slavery is much weaker in Missouri, Kentucky, Virginia, and Maryland than down here. Should the Ohio River become a boundary between the two new combinations, there will begin a new change. The extreme South will look on Kentucky and Tennessee as the North, and in a very few years the same confusion and disorder will arise, and a new dissolution, till each state and maybe each county will claim separate independence.
If South Carolina precipitate this Revolution it will be because she thinks by delay Lincoln's friends will kind of reconcile the middle, wavering states, whereas now they may raise the cry of abolition and unite all the Slave States. I had no idea that this would actually begin so soon, but the news from that quarter does look as though she certainly would secede, and that Alabama, Georgia, Florida, and Texas would soon follow. All these might go and still leave a strong, rich confederated government, but then come Mississippi and Louisiana. As these rest on the Mississippi and control its mouth I know that the other states north will not submit to any molestation of the navigation by foreign states. If these two states go and Arkansas follows suit then there must be war, fighting, and that will continue until one or the other party is subdued.
If Louisiana call a convention I will not move, but if that convention resolve to secede on a contingency that I can foresee, then I must of course quit. It is not to be expected that the state would consent to trust me with arms and command if I did not go with them full length. I don't believe Louisiana would of herself do anything; but if South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi and Texas resolve no longer to wait, then Louisiana will do likewise. Then of course you will be safer where you are. As to myself I might have to go to California or some foreign country, where I could earn the means of living for you and myself. I see no chance in Ohio
A man is never a prophet in his own land and it does seem that nature for some wise purpose, maybe to settle wild lands, does ordain that man shall migrate, clear out from the place of his birth.
I did not intend to write so much, but the day is gloomy, and the last news from New Orleans decidedly so, if true. Among ourselves it is known that I am opposed to disunion in any manner or form. Prof. Smith ditto, unless Lincoln should actually encourage abolitionism after installed in office. Mr. Boyd thinks the denial to the southern people of access to new territories is an insult to which they cannot submit with honor and should not, let the consequences be what they may. Dr. Clarke is simply willing to follow the fortunes of the South, be what they may. Vallas and St. Ange, foreigners, don't care, but will follow their immediate self interests.
Thus we stand, about a fair sample of a mixed crowd; but 'tis now said all over the South the issue is made, and better secession now when they can than wait till it is too late. This is a most unfortunate condition of things for us, and I hardly know how to act with decency and firmness, and like most undecided men will wait awhile to see what others do; if feeling in South Carolina continues they must do something, else they will be the laughing stock of the world, and that is what they dread. For of all the states they can least afford to secede, as comparatively she is a weak and poor state. This on the contrary is destined to be a rich and powerful one. . .
ALEXANDRIA, Nov. 26, 1860.
. . . I commenced writing a letter last night to Minnie, but a friend sent us out a newspaper of New Orleans, November 22 which had come up from New Orleans in a boat. For some reason the papers come to us very irregularly. The stage whenever it has passengers leaves behind the paper mail and only brings the bags when there are few or no passengers. Well, of late though letters come about as usual our papers come along very straggling. This newspaper so received brings intelligence, how true I know not, of a panic in New York, Baltimore, Virginia, and everywhere. Of course panics are the necessary consequence of the mammoth credit system, the habit of borrowing which pervades our country, and though panics transfer losses to the wrong shoulders still they do good.
But along with this comes the cause, the assertion that South Carolina will secede certain. Georgia ditto. And Alabama. Mississippi will of course, and with her Arkansas and Texas. This will leave Louisiana no choice. If these premises be true then indeed is there abundant cause for panic, disorder, confusion, ruin and Civil War. I am determined not to believe it till to withhold belief would be stupidity. The paper also announces that Governor Moore has called the legislature together for December 10, and specially to consider the crisis of the country and to call a convention. You know that the theory of our government is, as construed by the southern politicians, that a state, one or more, may withdraw from the Union without molestation, and unless excitement abates Louisiana will follow the lead of her neighbors.
You will hear by telegraph the actions of the conventions of South Carolina and Alabama. Should they assert their right to secede and initiate measures to that end, then you may infer that I will countermand my heretofore preparations for a move. Then it would be unsafe for you even to come south. For myself I will not go with the South in a disunion movement, and as my position at the head of a State Military College would necessarily infer fidelity and allegiance to the state, my duty will be on the first positive act of disunion to give notice of my purpose.
December 10 the legislature meets. It is hardly possible a convention will be called before January and until the convention acts the state is not committed. Still I think the tone of feeling in the legislature will give me a clew [sic] to the future. I confess I feel uneasy from these events, and more so from the fact that the intelligence comes so piecemeal and unsatisfactory. . .
ALEXANDRIA, Dec. 23, 1860.
. . . There certainly are symptoms of a general breaking up or dissolution of all government everywhere. The people of the parish on the other side of Red River have constituted themselves into a kind of vigilance committee with power to execute their own sentence on suspected parties. These are the best gentlemen of the country and though I can never approve of organizations that may as easily be adopted by the evil disposed as the well disposed, yet they show the tendency toward a general anarchy here as well as all over the United States.
I take it for granted South Carolina has "seceded” and that other Southern States will follow and that Louisiana will be precipitated along. Her convention meets Jan. 23 and I will await patiently her action. . .
SEMINARY, Christmas, 1860.
DEAR GENERAL: They [the cartridges] are a most appropriate present, and I hope they may all be used for holiday salutes, or mere practice. As you request I will not put them on my returns. Else they would have certainly gone on the books. When did you get cartridges? I could procure none in Washington or in New Orleans, and when the Parish Jury appropriated two hundred fifty dollars for ammunition to be stored here, I invested the money in twenty kegs of powder, lead, and fifteen thousand percussion caps: and now wait for the return of the Rapides for balls and buck-shot, intending if necessity should arise to use our powder flasks and pouches till we have leisure for making cartridges. The mere fact of our having here these arms and munitions will be a great fact. Still, should unfortunately an occasion arise I could leave a strong guard here, and with a part of the cadets could move promptly to any point.
I have to Governor Moore, to Dr. Smith, and to the magistrate of this precinct defined my position. As long as Louisiana is in the Union and I occupy this post I will serve her faithfully against internal or external enemies. But if Louisiana secede from the general government, that instant I stop.
I will do no act, breathe no word, think no thought hostile to the government of the United States. Weak as it is, it is the only semblance of strength and justice on this continent, as compared with which the state governments are weak and trifling If Louisiana join in this unhallowed movement to dismember our old government, how long will it be till her parishes and people insult and deride her? You now profess to have a state government and yet your people, your neighbors, good, intelligent, and well-meaning men have already ignored its laws and courts, and give to an unknown, irresponsible body of citizens the right to try, convict, and execute suspected persons. If gentlemen on Rapides Bayou have this absolute right and power to try and hang a stranger, what security have you or any stranger to go into these pine woods where it may become a popular crime to own a good horse or wear broadcloth?
My dear General, we are in the midst of sad times. It is not slavery — it is a tendency to anarchy everywhere. I have seen it all over America, and our only hope is in Uncle Sam. Weak as that government is, it is the only approach to one. I do take the [National] Intelligencer and read it carefully. I have read all the items you call my attention to, and have offered them to cadets but they seem to prefer the [New Orleans] Delta.
I do think Buchanan made a fatal mistake. He should have reinforced Anderson, my old captain, at my old post, Fort Moultrie and with steam frigates made Fort Sumpter [sic] impregnable. This instead of exciting the Carolinians would have forced them to pause in their mad career. Fort Sumpter with three thousand men and the command of the seas would have enabled the government to execute the revenue laws, and to have held South Carolina in check till reason could resume its sway. Whereas now I fear they have a contempt for Uncle Sam and will sacrifice Anderson. Let them hurt a hair of his head in the execution of his duty, and I say Charleston must [be] blotted from existence. 'Twill arouse a storm to which the slavery question will be as nothing else I mistake the character of our people.
Of course I have countermanded my orders for Mrs. Sherman to come south, and I feel that my stay here is drawing to a close. Still I will not act till I conceive I must and should, and will do all that a man ought, to allow time for a successor. Smith and Dr. Clarke are up at Judge Boyce's, St. Ange lives in Alexandria. Boyd and I are alone. I have provided for a Christmas dinner to the cadets. Still your present to them is most acceptable, and what was provided by Jarreau can be distributed along. . .
SOURCE: Walter L. Fleming, General W.T. Sherman as College President, p. 317-9
ALEXANDRIA, Nov. 3,
1860.
. . . This is a
Saturday evening and I am seated at the office table where the Academic Board
has been all week examining cadets. We have admitted in all some eighty; and
rejected about a dozen for want of the elementary knowledge required for
admission. Tonight, Saturday, we close the business, and on Monday recitations
begin. Still many more will straggle in, and I expect we will settle down to
about a hundred and twenty, less than we had reason to expect, but quite enough
for comfort. . .
People here now talk
as though disunion was a fixed thing. Men of property say that as this constant
feeling of danger of abolitionism exists they would rather try a Southern
Confederacy. Louisiana would not secede, but should South Carolina secede I
fear other Southern States will follow, and soon general anarchy will prevail.
I say but little, try and mind my own business and await the issue of events. .
.
The country is very
poor and nothing can be bought here but stewed beef and pork, vegetables are
out of the question save potatoes at about five dollars the barrel.
