(Private.)
St. Petersburg, [russia], December 10,1859.
My Dear Sir; I wrote
Mason a week or so ago and enclosed him his letter which I had published in the
leading paper of this city, and you will now pardon me for enclosing you a
letter in the same paper, the leading court paper, written from N[ew] York, and
I would most respectfully call your attention to it, as it embraces exactly the
current ideas that now prevail throughout Europe as to the weakness, of
the South and the general belief that the North are about to “Conquer and
subjugate the South.” We are looked upon and studiously represent as being in
the condition of Mexico and the South American States. And I would cautiously
suggest, that one leading object of McLain [?] in travelling in England and
the Continent this last summer, was to spread these ideas, and most
particularly to ascertain the feelings of the public men in England in
reference to a rupture which he anticipated as certain. I will not say this
certain, but it is my firm impression from various sources of information. We
are certainly on the eve of very great events and I do not wish to be so
presumptious as to advise any one in your distinguished position, but it does
seem to me that it would be more impressive for Virginia to say less through
newspapers and through them, to use more calm language and a firmer higher tone.
She is a great state and has a great name. She made the Constitution and the
Union, and she has a right to be heard. Under the circumstances in which
she is placed, if the Legislature were, by a unanimous vote, to demand
a Convention of the States, under the forms of the Constitution, and
propose new Guarantees and a new League, giving security and peace to her, from
the worst form of war, waged upon her, through the sanction of her border
states, it would produce a profound impression. And if the South were to join
in this demand, unless the Northern people immediately took decided steps
themselves to put down forever the vile demagogues who have brought the
country to the verge of ruin, a convention could not be resisted. And if after
a full and truthful hearing, new securities and guarantees were refused, then
the Southern States stand right before the world and posterity, in
taking their own course to save their power and independence, be the
consequences what they may.
Under the old
articles of Confederation the Union had practically fallen to pieces and the
wisest men thought it could not be saved, and yet in Convention of able and
wise men, face to face and eye to eye, disclosing truthfully the dangers with
which they were surrounded, the present Constitution was formed for a more
perfect union and adopted by the States. So too now, when new dangers are
developed, a full and manly discription in a Constitutional Convention of all
the Statrs, may develop new remedies, and even a new league or covenant suited
to the demands of the country. I merely suggest these things most respectfully,
for I dread to see any hasty or ill-advised, ill conceived measures resorted
to, which will end in bluster and confusion. Every thing ought to be done by
the state as a state, with a full comprehension of the gravity of the matter
and the momentous consequences involved. I think we ought to endeavor faithfully
to save the Constitution and the Federal Union, if possible,
and if not, then it is our duty to save ourselves. Even if the two sections
were compelled to have separate internal organizations and separate Executives,
still they might be united under a League or Covenant for all external and
foreign intercourse, holding the free interchange of unrestricted internal
and domestic trade as the basis of competing peace and union by interest.
I merely throw out this idea, as I know your philosophical mind will
readily comprehend it in all its details and bearings. It is a subject that I
have thought of before, and it is forced up by the present unfortunate
condition of affairs in our country. At this distance from home, I am filled
with pain and apprehension for the future. I know and feel that we have arrived
at a point where we will require stern and inflexible conduct united with
thorough knowledge to carry us through safely. There is no time for
ultraism of factious moves. There must be firmness and wisdom, and it must come
from the States, and especially from Virginia moving as a state determined to
protect her people and their rights, without the slightest reference to
partizan contests of any kind whatever. Excuse me for writing thus freely, but
our former relations justify it, and I sincerely desire to know the councils of
wise and true men of the South. True I am here, but at the first tap of the
drum I am ready for my own home and my own country.
_______________
* A Representative
in Congress from South Carolina, 1834-1843.
SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Correspondence
of Robert M. T. Hunter, 1826-1876,p. 275-7
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