EXTRACTS FROM THE SPEECH OF SCHUYLER COLFAX, OF INDIANA, ON THE CONFISCATION BILL.
The Catilines who sat here in the Council Chambers of the Republic, and who, with the oath on their lips and in their hearts to support the Constitution of the United States plotted treason at night – as has been shown by papers recovered at Florida, particularly the letter of Mr. Youlee, describing the proceedings of the midnight conclaves of these men to their confederates in the Southern States – should be punished by the severest penalties of the law, for they have added to their treason perjury, and are doubly condemned before God and man. Never, in any land, have there been more guilty and more deserving of the extremest errors of the law. The murderer takes but a single life, and we call him infamous. – But these men wickedly and willingly plunged a peaceful country into the horrors of a civil war, and inaugurated a regime of assassination and outrage against the Union men in their midst, hanging, plundering, and imprisoning in a manner that throws into the shade the atrocities of the French Revolution. Not content with this they aimed their blows at the life of the Republic itself; and on many a battle-field, in a carnival of blood, they sought not only to destroy the Union itself, but to murder its defenders. Plunging into still darker crimes they have bayoneted the wounded on the field of carnage, buried the dead that fell into their ands with every possible ignominy, and then to gloat their revenge, dug up their lifeless remains from the tomb, where even savages would have allowed them to rest, and converted their skulls into drinking cups – a barbarism that would have disgraced the Visigoths of Alaric, the barbarian, in the dark ages of the past. – The blood of our soldiers cries out against them. Has not forbearance ceased longer to be a virtue? We were told a year ago that lenicy [sic] would probably induce them to return to their allegiance, and to cease this unnatural war; and what has been the result? Let the bloody battle-fields of the conflict answer.
When I return home I shall miss many a familiar face that has looked in past years with the beaming eye of friendship upon me. I shall see those who have come home with constitutions broken down by exposure and wounds and disease, to linger and to die. I shall see women whom I have seen Sabbath after Sabbath leaning on a beloved husband’s arm as they went to the peaceful sanctuary, clothed now in widow’s weeds. I shall see orphans destitute, with no one to train them into paths of usefulness. I shall see the swelling hillock in the grave-yard – where, after life’s fitful fever, we shall be gathered, betokening that there, prematurely cut off by a rifle ball aimed at the life of the Republic, a patriot soldier sleeps. I shall see desolate and hearthstones and anguish and woe on every side. Those of us who come here from Indiana and Illinois know too painfully the sad scenes that will confront us amid the circles of our constituents.
Nor need we ask the cause of all this suffering, the necessity of all these sacrifices? They have been entailed on us as part of the fearful cost of saving our country from destruction. – But what a mountain of guilt must rest upon those who by their efforts to destroy the government and the Union, have rendered these terrible sacrifices necessary.
Why do we hesitate? These men have drawn the sword and thrown away the scabbard. – They did not hesitate in punishing the Union men within their power. They have confiscated their property, and have for a year past, without any of the compunctions that troubles us here. They imprisoned John M. Botts, for silently regaining a lingering love for the union in his desolate home. They hang Union men in East Tennessee for bridge burning, refusing them even the sympathy of a chaplain to console their dying hours. They persecute Brownlow because faithful among the faithless, he refused, almost alone, in his outspoken heroism, to bow the knee to the Baal of their worship. Let us follow his counsel by stripping the leaders of this conspiracy of their possessions, and outlawing them hereafter from the high places of honor and of trust they have heretofore enjoyed.
In no other way can we more effectually be felt throughout all the region where treason rears its blackened crest. The loyal Union men of all these regions will see in this legislation, and in the concurrent advance of our armies toward the Gulf, that we have put our hands to the plow, determined not to look back; that we have resolved that every man who raises his hand against the Union shall be punished; that those who remain loyal to the nation shall be protected; and that the retribution which shall follow the leaders of this rebellion for life, shall be so thorough and severe that no reptile flag of disunion will ever again be reared on the soil of this Republic. And they will at last all realize that the inducement to sympathize with secession (so as to save their property from rebel confiscation and to claim at the same time Union protection) no longer exists; that the time for this misplaced lenity has expired; that the property of the rebels is to be confiscated, and the armies of the republic sustained thereon in the regions which treason requires them to occupy.
Mercy to traitors, it has been well said, is cruelty to loyal men. I would not imitate their crimes or their barbarity, but I would imitate their resolution. The gentleman from Kentucky nearest me (Mr. Grider) told us, a month or two ago, that the rebel army had run off $300,000 worth of slaves of Union men from counties near his residence, and they have confiscated and taken slaves as sweepingly as anything else claimed or held by these men. Their own slaves work on their fortifications, from cannon, behind which our soldiers are mercilessly slain; they perform their camp drudgery, thus increasing the power of their army; they raise the produce that feeds their troops, and the crops on the faith of which their scrip is rendered current. If we wish to break the power of the rebellion let us strike it wherever we can weaken it, and strike it boldly and fearlessly as the justice of our cause fully warrants. And let us if there are but fifty or five hundred loyal men in a State, resolve that they shall be protected by the whole power of the Government, and clothed with all the advantages hereafter that their unfaltering allegiance during these dark hours so richly merits.
None of the confiscation bills before us are ex post facto in their operation. They operate only against those who, having been engaged in this rebellion continue in arms after this long legislative forbearance. I can vote for nearly every one of them, variant as their provisions are. Any of them is preferable to none. The clerk of this House, (Mr. Etheridge,) recently returned from Tennessee, tells us that in an extensive inquiry, he heard of but a single slaveholder of that State who was a private in the rebel army. This is a striking and significant fact. With that single exception, the slaveholders were either in office, civil or military, or at home. I have no doubt that four-fifths of all the slaves held by rebels belong to officers, civil or military under the rebel government. And we cannot longer doubt that there are thousands upon thousands of men who prefer the Union who have been absolutely forced by threats, by terror, by delusions, or by conscription, into the armies of the rebellion.
I am willing, therefore, to go for the bill known as Senator Sherman’s which confiscates the property and discharges the slaves of all the leaders of the rebel government; of all who had ever taken the oath to support the Constitution and had violated it, which would include all postmasters, mail contractors, Congressmen, Governors, members of the State Legislature, judges, &c.; all of who have taken an oath of any office of any kind under the rebel authority; and of all officers of the rebel army and navy. As to our manifest, palpable duty as to all these classes, it seems to me there can be no question. Another provision in his bill I favor strongly which declares that all persons, high and low, officers and privates, who continue in arms against the Union for sixty days after the passage of the act, shall be declared infamous, and shall never hold an office of trust, honor or profit within the United States. This bill cannot be considered extreme. It runs no hazard of injuring any one whose heart is not callous with treason. It gives the privates all the benefit of a doubt as to the willingness of their enlistment. It makes allegiance to the Union the test, not only of protection under the law, but of official advancement hereafter. It prevents the conspirators of this rebellion from returning to occupy seats here. And I cannot see why a majority cannot unite on this bill, if they cannot on any other more stringent and sweeping in its provisions.
But I am not wedded to the details of any bill. I will very cheerfully support Senator Trumbull’s bill, now pending in the Senate. – I plead only for action. Let our legislation respond to the appeal of Brownlow; and let us not by a conflict between bills looking to the same end fail to strike the blow that hundreds of thousands of patriot hearts demand at our hands.
– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, May 3, 1862, p. 2
The Catilines who sat here in the Council Chambers of the Republic, and who, with the oath on their lips and in their hearts to support the Constitution of the United States plotted treason at night – as has been shown by papers recovered at Florida, particularly the letter of Mr. Youlee, describing the proceedings of the midnight conclaves of these men to their confederates in the Southern States – should be punished by the severest penalties of the law, for they have added to their treason perjury, and are doubly condemned before God and man. Never, in any land, have there been more guilty and more deserving of the extremest errors of the law. The murderer takes but a single life, and we call him infamous. – But these men wickedly and willingly plunged a peaceful country into the horrors of a civil war, and inaugurated a regime of assassination and outrage against the Union men in their midst, hanging, plundering, and imprisoning in a manner that throws into the shade the atrocities of the French Revolution. Not content with this they aimed their blows at the life of the Republic itself; and on many a battle-field, in a carnival of blood, they sought not only to destroy the Union itself, but to murder its defenders. Plunging into still darker crimes they have bayoneted the wounded on the field of carnage, buried the dead that fell into their ands with every possible ignominy, and then to gloat their revenge, dug up their lifeless remains from the tomb, where even savages would have allowed them to rest, and converted their skulls into drinking cups – a barbarism that would have disgraced the Visigoths of Alaric, the barbarian, in the dark ages of the past. – The blood of our soldiers cries out against them. Has not forbearance ceased longer to be a virtue? We were told a year ago that lenicy [sic] would probably induce them to return to their allegiance, and to cease this unnatural war; and what has been the result? Let the bloody battle-fields of the conflict answer.
When I return home I shall miss many a familiar face that has looked in past years with the beaming eye of friendship upon me. I shall see those who have come home with constitutions broken down by exposure and wounds and disease, to linger and to die. I shall see women whom I have seen Sabbath after Sabbath leaning on a beloved husband’s arm as they went to the peaceful sanctuary, clothed now in widow’s weeds. I shall see orphans destitute, with no one to train them into paths of usefulness. I shall see the swelling hillock in the grave-yard – where, after life’s fitful fever, we shall be gathered, betokening that there, prematurely cut off by a rifle ball aimed at the life of the Republic, a patriot soldier sleeps. I shall see desolate and hearthstones and anguish and woe on every side. Those of us who come here from Indiana and Illinois know too painfully the sad scenes that will confront us amid the circles of our constituents.
Nor need we ask the cause of all this suffering, the necessity of all these sacrifices? They have been entailed on us as part of the fearful cost of saving our country from destruction. – But what a mountain of guilt must rest upon those who by their efforts to destroy the government and the Union, have rendered these terrible sacrifices necessary.
Why do we hesitate? These men have drawn the sword and thrown away the scabbard. – They did not hesitate in punishing the Union men within their power. They have confiscated their property, and have for a year past, without any of the compunctions that troubles us here. They imprisoned John M. Botts, for silently regaining a lingering love for the union in his desolate home. They hang Union men in East Tennessee for bridge burning, refusing them even the sympathy of a chaplain to console their dying hours. They persecute Brownlow because faithful among the faithless, he refused, almost alone, in his outspoken heroism, to bow the knee to the Baal of their worship. Let us follow his counsel by stripping the leaders of this conspiracy of their possessions, and outlawing them hereafter from the high places of honor and of trust they have heretofore enjoyed.
In no other way can we more effectually be felt throughout all the region where treason rears its blackened crest. The loyal Union men of all these regions will see in this legislation, and in the concurrent advance of our armies toward the Gulf, that we have put our hands to the plow, determined not to look back; that we have resolved that every man who raises his hand against the Union shall be punished; that those who remain loyal to the nation shall be protected; and that the retribution which shall follow the leaders of this rebellion for life, shall be so thorough and severe that no reptile flag of disunion will ever again be reared on the soil of this Republic. And they will at last all realize that the inducement to sympathize with secession (so as to save their property from rebel confiscation and to claim at the same time Union protection) no longer exists; that the time for this misplaced lenity has expired; that the property of the rebels is to be confiscated, and the armies of the republic sustained thereon in the regions which treason requires them to occupy.
Mercy to traitors, it has been well said, is cruelty to loyal men. I would not imitate their crimes or their barbarity, but I would imitate their resolution. The gentleman from Kentucky nearest me (Mr. Grider) told us, a month or two ago, that the rebel army had run off $300,000 worth of slaves of Union men from counties near his residence, and they have confiscated and taken slaves as sweepingly as anything else claimed or held by these men. Their own slaves work on their fortifications, from cannon, behind which our soldiers are mercilessly slain; they perform their camp drudgery, thus increasing the power of their army; they raise the produce that feeds their troops, and the crops on the faith of which their scrip is rendered current. If we wish to break the power of the rebellion let us strike it wherever we can weaken it, and strike it boldly and fearlessly as the justice of our cause fully warrants. And let us if there are but fifty or five hundred loyal men in a State, resolve that they shall be protected by the whole power of the Government, and clothed with all the advantages hereafter that their unfaltering allegiance during these dark hours so richly merits.
None of the confiscation bills before us are ex post facto in their operation. They operate only against those who, having been engaged in this rebellion continue in arms after this long legislative forbearance. I can vote for nearly every one of them, variant as their provisions are. Any of them is preferable to none. The clerk of this House, (Mr. Etheridge,) recently returned from Tennessee, tells us that in an extensive inquiry, he heard of but a single slaveholder of that State who was a private in the rebel army. This is a striking and significant fact. With that single exception, the slaveholders were either in office, civil or military, or at home. I have no doubt that four-fifths of all the slaves held by rebels belong to officers, civil or military under the rebel government. And we cannot longer doubt that there are thousands upon thousands of men who prefer the Union who have been absolutely forced by threats, by terror, by delusions, or by conscription, into the armies of the rebellion.
I am willing, therefore, to go for the bill known as Senator Sherman’s which confiscates the property and discharges the slaves of all the leaders of the rebel government; of all who had ever taken the oath to support the Constitution and had violated it, which would include all postmasters, mail contractors, Congressmen, Governors, members of the State Legislature, judges, &c.; all of who have taken an oath of any office of any kind under the rebel authority; and of all officers of the rebel army and navy. As to our manifest, palpable duty as to all these classes, it seems to me there can be no question. Another provision in his bill I favor strongly which declares that all persons, high and low, officers and privates, who continue in arms against the Union for sixty days after the passage of the act, shall be declared infamous, and shall never hold an office of trust, honor or profit within the United States. This bill cannot be considered extreme. It runs no hazard of injuring any one whose heart is not callous with treason. It gives the privates all the benefit of a doubt as to the willingness of their enlistment. It makes allegiance to the Union the test, not only of protection under the law, but of official advancement hereafter. It prevents the conspirators of this rebellion from returning to occupy seats here. And I cannot see why a majority cannot unite on this bill, if they cannot on any other more stringent and sweeping in its provisions.
But I am not wedded to the details of any bill. I will very cheerfully support Senator Trumbull’s bill, now pending in the Senate. – I plead only for action. Let our legislation respond to the appeal of Brownlow; and let us not by a conflict between bills looking to the same end fail to strike the blow that hundreds of thousands of patriot hearts demand at our hands.
– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, May 3, 1862, p. 2
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