Next to lying, the easiest thing in the world is scolding;
and there are men who have acquired such skill by practice that they may be
said to scold and lie with equal facility.
It affords one an opportunity to be very smart – to exhibit an unusual
degree of wisdom and sagacity – to have a criticism for every act, a suspicion for
every motive, and an offset of censure for every word of extorted praise. It is a very pretty thing for some people to
believe, or affect to believe, that public virtue is dead, that selfishness is
the rule of live in every responsible station, that patriotism is scarcer than
diamonds, and that the country generally is only fit to go to the devil and is
well advanced in the journey. This sort
of thing gives the self-appointed censor prominence, as the office which he
assumes to fill is one that pre-supposes eminent purity, patriotism, valor,
prudence and all unselfishness and all excellence as its qualifications and
credentials.
Since the commencement of the present war, there have been
men, nominally supporters of the Government and the Administration – nay, men
who are the recipients of the favors of the Administration – whose words and
whose influence have not been such as to strengthen either the hands of the
Government or the hearts of the people.
If men have gone to them for strength or comfort, they have not found
it. – They have instead, received the impression that the Government either
does not know what it is about, or is in the hands of sharpers; that military
men care more for themselves, a thousand times, than they do for their country;
that the Government has no policy and the army no plan; and that the rebels
really monopolize all the military genius of the country. The President, according to these wise ones,
is “well enough,” but he is weak: every member of the Cabinet is “well enough,”
but there is something radically wrong about him; and military men are “well
enough,” perhaps, but military men are military men, and much in the way of the
public virtue is not to be expected of them.
If a mistake is made, it is always “inexcusable.” If any possible emergency proves to be
unprovided for, somebody’s neck should be stretched for it. Every success is only a lucky chance which
involves no credit to anybody, and the common scolds even go so far, not
unfrequently, as to say that the happening is contrary to the will of the
superiors in military command, and that all successful subordinates would be
punished if the operation were a safe one.
It was a remark of Mr. Beecher, we believe, that the
strongest encouragement he ever obtained in his Christian life was derived from
the weaknesses of the apostles. If they,
in intimate contact with the great Master, were so much like him, then there
was no hope for him. We feel very much
like this on looking to revolutionary times.
Let a person take up and read through Irving’s Life of Washington, and
get his glimpses of the revolution through that life, and it will certainly
give him courage and strength. He will
find that no man connected with the government to-day is half as much maligned
and abused as Washington was by the men of his time – that rancor and hatred,
such as were leveled at him, are to-day unknown out of the precincts of
treason. He will find prevalent
everywhere the same impatience, and same caviling spirit, the same cursing and
scolding, there were men, then, as now, who could see nothing good in public
men, and nothing laudable in public policy.
There were men, then, as now who assumed the censorship of all
movements, and could find nothing good in any.
Yet Washington and his associates stand to-day the glorified objects of
our reverent love; and we have no doubt that the men who are at the head of
affairs to-day are to take their place among the canonized immortals whom
grateful patriotism will never permit to die.
We say this none the less heartily because the common scolds will turn
up their noses at the bare suggestion.
It is easy to sit home and scold. It is easy to do nothing while others are
crushed down by cares of state, or are sacrificing ease and comfort in the
camp, and periling life and limb in deadly conflict. We say it is easy to sit at home – nay, it
may be easier still to sit in the editor’s chair – and scold; but it is meaner
than any other thing mentionable. If
there ever lived a set of men who deserved the sympathy and the moral support
of their fellow countrymen, then those who are engaged in putting down this
great rebellion deserve them. The
largest charity should be extended to them, and the firmest trust reposed in
them. Our hope under god must be in
them; and even if they should not all be what they ought to be, they are the
best we have, and it is impossible to decide impartially upon their fitness for
their posts to-day. No man to-day is in
possession of the facts that will enable him to decide fully as to the merits
of those who are at the head of the civil and military affairs of this country.
In view of the late advances and successes of our army, it
would seem as if the common scolds would perceive that their vocation is gone;
but we presume they are in full blast yet.
In their opinion, the evacuation of Columbus and Manassas is not
attributable to any strategic plan, devised in Washington; but it happened so. –
Indeed, we presume that it will be represented to have occurred against the
will of those in power, and to have subjected all who were active in procuring
it to degradation from the service. Such
men deserve to be slapped across the mouth, and to receive an emphatic
injunction to “dry up.” If a man cannot
be sharp and witty and impressive, at a time like this, without sowing the
seeds of discontent and dissatisfaction and distrust in every mind with which
he comes in contact, let us have his right hand in a swing. A “friend of the government” who believes in
the general rascality of all who are in it is nothing better than a pimp of
treason. {Springfield Republican.
– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye,
Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 22, 1862, p. 3
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