Cincinnati, January 16, [1849].
My Dear Hamlin:
I have had my supper, — I have donned my dressing gown & slippers;—my wife
is beside me in our snug dining room;— everything is comfortable around me;—
and I am writing to a friend in whom I repose full confidence. At this moment I
cannot find it in my heart to indulge a single unkindly or uncharitable thought
toward any human being. To be sure, I do feel as if a certain individual, who
rejoices in the initials S. P. C., might be a good deal better employed,
than in political navigation; and sometimes find it difficult to suppress a
rising sentiment of indignation against him, when I think of his preposterous
folly in venturing to have opinions of his own, & even, what is
scarcely credible, daring occasionally to act upon them. But with the exception
of the slight disturbance occasioned by the conduct of this individual the
current of my thoughts flows quite smoothly tonight. I wish you were here to sit
down & chat with me. How pleasantly we might contrive to dispose of
an hour or two!
But I can easily imagine your actual situation, — not half so
pleasant as mine — sitting in the Standard office, at the long pine? table,
scribbling some Editorial for the paper perhaps a defence of Townshend &
Morse, — perhaps a gentle hint to our amiable friend Chaffee. Well, I am sorry
for you. If wishes could “execute themselves” — as the rascally slaveholders
who preside in the Supreme Court of the United States say of the fugitive
clause in the Constitution — you should have a nice large cushioned leather
library chair, with the easiest flowing gold pen, and the blackest ink and the
finest blue wove paper, a bright fire, a warm carpet, and all the etcetras
which could make an editorial sanctum attractive and delightful. Then you
should have a plentiful income coming in like the tides into the Bay of Fundy,
and a long, long list of faithful paying subscribers, constituting a
congregation that the Pope — and every editor, you know is an infallible
Pope — might be proud to preach to. But I can almost fancy you exclaiming “Stop!
Stop! What is the fellow after? Does he want to drive me to suicide by
reminding me so ruthlessly of the vast difference between the ideal & the
actual?” and so I will stop; for I want no such responsibility on my shoulders
or conscience.
I suppose you see the True Democrat regularly, and of
course, have noticed the course of Briggs towards Townshend, Morse & myself.
The object seems to me plain enough. If he can cut Townshend & myself down,
& terrify Morse into unhesitating acquiescence into the decisions of
the Whig Freesoil Caucus the course will be left clear, he thinks, for the
unchecked sway of Free Soilism of the Whig stamp. But I think he must fail in
his reckoning. He cannot, 1 believe, hurt Townshend or myself, nor do I imagine
that his threats or menacing intimations will have much effect on Morse. I
feel, however, a good deal of solicitude to know whether Mr. Morse maintains
his independent position. I shall be much disappointed if he does not. To
recede now would be worse than never to have taken it. How is it with our good
friend, Mr. Van Doren? Is he regarded now as an Independent Free Soiler or a
Whig Free Soiler?
I do wish that the Free Soilers in the Legislature could
unite on the only practical basis of union. That is let the Democratic Free
Soilers, & the Whig Free Soilers, and the Independent Free Soilers (which
terms I use for distinction's sake only) meet together and confer freely on the
course best to be pursued in every case of importance. At these meetings let
mutual and perfect toleration be exercised by each towards all the rest, and
let everything which is done or spoken be under the seal of the most sacred
confidence. If they can after a comparison of views find a ground on which all
can stand honestly & in good faith, let them take it and maintain it no
matter who may be benefitted or injured by it. If they cannot find such a
ground but, after the best efforts to reach it have failed, they find
themselves, in consequence of honest convictions, influenced or not influenced
by former party associations, unable to agree let each take his own course,
with perfect respect for the others and with fixed determination not to ascribe
or even indulge the supposition of improper motives. Of course such conferences
of Free Soilers should allow the attendance of none, however antislavery or
personally worthy, except those who adopt, in good faith, & without
reservation, the National & State Platforms of Free Democracy, and have
fully made up their minds and openly avowed their determination to act
permanently in & with the Party organized upon them. I can think of no way
so well calculated to prevent discord and secure a mutual good understanding as
this. I do not know whether even this way is practicable.
I have this moment, (Tuesday 12 M) recd. your letter and
thank you for it. Vaughan has written a reply to Briggs for the Cleveland True
Democrat. It does not put the action of Morse & Townshend on the true
ground precisely but I think it will do good. It does more than justice to me.
Vaughan I am glad to find, agrees with us as to the prima facie right of Pugh
& Peirce and thinks the division clauses should be repealed. I do not think
he has considered the question as to the unconstitutionality of the law. I am
glad Riddle proposes to introduce a bill to repeal the clauses. It is the right
thing to do at this time, and he is the right man to do it. It will reflect
credit on him, and do much service to Townshend & Morse. I regretted to see
Beaver's remark that the division clauses of the apportionment law wd
not be repealed while the First district remains disfranchised. This will do no
good. The true question is, “Is the repeal right?” If it is, it cant be done
too soon. I would write to Randall, but I did write to him a few days since, on
the subject of the Governor's Return, as friendly a letter as I could &
took great pains here & with friends elsewhere to set his action in that
matter in the most favorable point of view. But I have heard nothing from him,
& don't wish to seem to force a correspondence on him. Suppose you find
out, as you easily can, why he dont write?
It seems to me that you must come out in defence of
Townshend & Morse: and I am not sure that justice does not require a frank
statement of the whole action in Columbus, resulting in the virtual expulsion
from the caucus of all the Democratic & Independent Free Soilers.
I have no time to write further without losing the mail. I
am very glad your cough is better.
_______________
* Edward S. Hamlin was a member of Congress from Ohio, 1844-45.
He was an ardent worker for Chase, and at this time was the editor of an
anti-slavery paper at Columbus, the Ohio Standard.
SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical
Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 145-8
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