RICHMOND, [Va.], February 7, 1852.
MY DEAR SIR: For
some days past, I have been suffering serious inconvenience and confinement
from my vexatious complaints (of which I have a score) and consequently have
been prevented from either acknowledging your friendly letter to myself or
communicating my views upon the interesting points suggested in your
confidential letter to our friend Goode who in pursuance of the leave allowed
him submitted it to me. My opinions are worth very little indeed, especially
now that my thoughts and feelings are so little given to political subjects but
such as they are, will ever be most sincerely and frankly at the services of a
friend so highly valued as yourself. I agree with you readily as to the
position and duty of the Southern Rights (or as I prefer the States Rights)
party of the South in the coming presidential struggle. Personally I should
have preferred a separate organization and action on their part and 18 months
ago, when I still hoped their spirit and their strength might prove equal to their
zeal and the justice of their cause, I should have advised that course. Now
however it is apparent, their cause as a political one is lost and thus
separate action would be more than preposterous-would be suicidal. The cursed
Bonds of party paralized our strength and energy when they might have been
successfully exerted, and now as some partial compensation must sustain and
uphold us from dispersion and prostration. In reviewing the past I am inclined
to think the great error we committed in the South was the uniting at all in
council or action with the Whigs. Their timidity betrayed more than treason. We
should have acted in and through the Democratic party alone. Certainly that is
all that remains to us now to do. We have and can maintain (within certain
limits of considerable latitude) ascendency in the Democratic party of the
South and probably controlling influence on the general policy and action of
the whole party in the Union. The Union party, par excellence, we can proscribe
and crush. What miserable gulls the Union Democrats of the South find them, and
I am inclined to think the Union Whigs will not fair much better.
"Woodcocks caught in their own springs." Of both for the most part,
it may be safely said, they were venal or timid-knaves or fools and most richly
will they deserve disappointment and popular contempt. The Southern Rights men
by remaining in full communion with the Democratic party will be at least
prepared for two important objects-to inflict just retribution on deserters and
traitors to sustain, it may be, reward friends and true men. I go for the
States Rights men making themselves the Simon pures of Southern Democracy—the
standard bearers and champions in the coming presidential fight.
Now as for the
candidate. We must exclude Cass and every other such cats paw of Clay and the
Union Whigs. We must have a candidate too who will carry the Middle States or
rather on whom the Democracy of the Middle States will rally. Too many factions
prevail in those states to allow any prominent man among them to unite all the
Democracy. Besides they are peculiarly wanting in fit available men. It is
rather farcical to be sure to those who know to insist on Douglas as most fit.
The best man for the Presidency and yet I have for more than than [sic] a year thought it was coming to
that absurdity. On many accounts I concur with you in believing he is our best
chance and that we had better go in for him at once and decidedly, making our
adhesion if we can [be] conclusive of the nomination. You know I have long thought
better of his capacity than most of our friends, especially the Judge and he is
at least as honest and more firm than any of his competitors. I should be
disposed therefore to urge him.
As to the vice
presidency, I am strongly inclined to urge the continued use of your name,
unless your personal repugnance is insuperable. I can readily understand your
present position to be more acceptable to your personal feelings. I think it
the most agreeable position under the Government, but ought not other
considerations to weigh seriously. There is the chance of the Presidency by
vacancy, not much perhaps but still to be weighed. There is a certain niche in
History to all time which to a man not destitute of ambition is an object.
There is to your family the highest dignity and respect attached to the Vice
Presidency in popular estimation. In this last point of view, is not something
due too to your State. Southern States can hardly longer aspire to give
Presidents. Whatever belated honors are to be cast on them must be through sub
or direct stations and of these the Vice Presidency is the first.
These considerations
I think should prevail and I suspect would, if some personal feelings reflected
from the general estimate of your friends in regard to Douglas and a just
estimate as I know and feel it of your own subornity did not make you revolt at
a secondary position on his ticket. You may too fear that the influence and
estimation of your character among the true men of the South might be impaired
by this sort of a doubtful alliance with Northern politicians and schemers even
of the most unobjectionable stamp. All these considerations are not without
weight with me. I feel them to the full as much on your account as you can well
do yourself, and yet I think they ought not to control. We must be practical as
politicians and statesmen to be useful—a high position—good—a position of
acknowledged influence and confessed participation in the administration ought
not to be lost to the States Rights men from over refined scruples and
feelings. As Vice President, I believe you could and would have great influence
in the administration and that influence might prove of immense value to our
cause in the South.
If however your
objections personally are insuperable, I am too truly your friend to insist on
their reliquishment. We must then look out for and obtain the next best of our
school, who is available. I should not advise as you suggest J[ohn] Y. M[ason].
He is not strictly of us—is too flexible—too needy and too diplomatic to be
fully relied upon. I fear we should have to go out of our State, unless Douglas
could be content with Meade or with Goode himself. Bayly might have done but
for his desertion, which has lost all old friends and gained none new.
Jefferson Davis would be the best if he would accept. If not, what would be
said to Gov[ernor] Chapman of Al[abam]a. He is I think a true man. Excuse an
abrupt close. I have exhausted my only paper.
[P. S.] My best
regards to the Judge and Mr. Mason. Write whenever you have a spare hour to
bestow on a friend.
SOURCE: Charles
Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical
Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of
Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 136-9
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