Philadelphia, Sep. 19, 1849.
My Dear Sumner,
I thank you heartily for your prompt compliance with my request for information
of the doings of your Convention. I have read its proceedings with great
interest, and the Address with particular attention. The proceedings are worthy
of the Free Democracy of old Massachusetts — earnest, poetical, principled — and
tending, I hope, to great results. Would to God that you could carry the State
this Fall. What a triumph it would be and what an impetus it would give to our
cause in every quarter? Can it not be done? Can you not, all of you, buckle on
your armor, and rousing the people by an eloquence suited to the crisis,
achieve a victory for Freedom, which will prove that the world is not wholly
given over to reaction, — that will compensate, in some measure, for our
defeats in Vermont and Hungary? One
great difficulty we labor under is that our opponents can so palpably
demonstrate our numerical weakness by pointing to the fact that we have, as
yet, carried no State. This is a great discouragement to some who want to live
somewhat by sight as well as by faith.
Of the Address I need only say that I think it altogether
worthy of you. Not as I regard it as being so polished and perfect a
composition as some which have emanated from your pen; but as replete with just
sentiment, correct views and sound principles. It is, as you say, a Liberty
Address, and urges the same topics which I have several times, in such papers,
discussed. I cannot express how earnestly I desire that you may gather under
the banner you unfurl a majority of the voters. For my own part, I mean to
abide on the platform, which the Address presents, whether with few or many.
The union of the Hunkers and Barnburners of New York struck
me unpleasantly as it did you. It seemed to me that our friends had gone too
far, in their anxiety to secure united support of a single ticket. It seemed to
me that if they had taken your Massachusetts ground, and contented themselves
with proving their Democracy, not by pedigree but by works, and had appealed to
the People to support them, independently of old party ties, they would have done
better. When the Hunkers refused to adopt the platform, I would say, that the
time for union had passed. Although, however, these views seem to me most
reasonable, I do not at all distrust the sincere devotion to our principles and
cause of our friends who thought and acted differently. They supposed that the
entire body of the democracy, with insignificant exceptions, could be brought
by the Union upon our platform, and made to take ground with us against the
support of national candidates not openly and avowedly committed to our
principles. If this expectation of theirs should be proved to have been
warranted, by events, their movement will be sanctioned by its results. I hope
it may be. Meanwhile it behooves all friends of Freedom to heed well what they
are doing, and to take care that they do not become so entangled in party
meshes, that they cannot withdraw themselves, in a powerful and united body,
whenever (if ever) the Party shall prove false to Freedom.
For me, I think I may say, that you may depend on me. I have
no senatorial or legislative experience and some qualities which will be sadly
in my way; but I will be faithful to the Free Soil Cause, and, according
to the measure of my discretion and ability, will labor to advance it. I shall
not forget your admonition to remember what is expected of me; and though, I
cannot hope, if there be such expectation as your words imply, to satisfy it, I
do hope to be able (to) shew that I am not undeserving of the confidence of
Freedom's Friends.
Poussin1 came to Phila. (en route for Washington)
by the same train of cars which brought me. I had some conversation with him.
He appeared a good deal excited by the doings and sayings at Washington. He
said that he did not know what were the grounds of offence taken by our
Government — that if he had expressed himself incautiously or offensively he
was quite willing to modify or retract, as propriety might require; and he
seemed especially sensitive on the score that being himself an American, and
ardently devoted to American Institutions, he should be thought capable of
wilfully doing or saying anything injurious to the American People.
I see by this morning's papers (most of the above was
written yesterday) that the Republic gives a full account of the matter. The expressions
of Poussin were certainly indiscreet, but hardly justify, under all the
circumstances, his abrupt dismissal. I suppose, however, it cannot be recalled.
What influence will they have upon the reception of Rives? And how far has this
course been adopted in view of the probable reception of Rives?
I expect to leave Phila. for Washington tomorrow — Saturday
morning — and to remain there until Wednesday evening. Write me if you have
time. Tell me what John Van Buren and Butler say to you. Glad that Palfrey
withdraws withdrawal.
Affectionately and
faithfully yours,
[Salmon P. Chase.]
Can't help thinking though that you could fill his place and
be elected if he did not.
_______________
1 Guillaume Tell Lavallée Poussin was the minister of the second French
Republic, 1848-49, to the United States. He was dismissed Sept. 15, 1849, for
discourtesy, the French Government having declined to recall him. See the art.
in the N. Y. Courier & Enquirer for Sept. 19, reprinted in the N. Y. Tribune
Sept. 20, 1849. The incident created considerable excitement and caused a fall
in stocks owing to the apprehensions in regard to its consequences.
SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical
Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 185-8
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