Sunday, September 30, 2012

Gen. Rosecrans On The Mountain Department

Gen. Rosecrans has published the following in reference to the President’s Order No. 3:

All reports, returns and communications heretofore required to be sent to these headquarters, be addressed to the proper staff officers of “The Mountain Department, Wheeling, Virginia.”  Brigadier General Garfield, and other commanders of troops in the Department of Ohio, now included in the “Mountain Department,” will hereafter address their reports, returns, and letters to the proper Headquarters.

As senior officer on duty, the undersigned retains command of the Mountain Department until further orders.

(Signed.)
W. S. ROSECRANS,
Brigadier General. U. S. A.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 29, 1862, p. 1

The true policy of . . .

. . . the Democracy is, to hold fast to their own integrity. –{Democratic Ex.

A short and treacherous hold, at best, which from the dispersion of the “lost tribes,” and other indications, is supposed to have slipped.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 29, 1862, p. 1

From The Capital

(Correspondence of the Hawk-Eye.)

DES MOINES, March 17, 1862.

MR. EDITOR:– As the days begin to warm and lengthen, and the footsteps of Spring advances over the disappearing snows, the impatience with a Legislative session, that has already grown to an unprofitable length, becomes more and more manifest among the farmer members.  It is manifestly not only their interest but pleasure to do up what business remains on the table with the utmost possible dispatch, and be away to their homes and the congenial pursuits of the farm.  As the agricultural interest is largely in the majority in the Assembly, it must be considered that a long session is a matter of necessity rather than a matter of choice, so far as farmers can control it.  The time has come when they will not look with any degree of allowance upon a long speech, and hence, calls for the “previous question” and motions to “lie on the table” are becoming quite frequent.

Yet there are some questions to be acted upon which demand earnest  attention, fair argument and much deliberation, and it will be a happy thing for the State if gentleman legislators shall possess sufficient moral courage “to face a frowning” constituency for having remained a few days longer to look after the true interests of the people.  No man who is not a thief at heart will, for the sake of his per diem, be willing to protract the session a day longer than the public welfare and a just regard to the business demands.  Still there are those who, have, for the sake of being regarded great economists of time and money, wasted much of both, in arguing, many weeks ago, the necessity of fixing an early day for adjournment.  The people should mark them and they should be held to a strict account.  Many of them have been dying to appear to wish an early adjournment, when, in reality, they had but little idea of the amount of labor which it was absolutely necessary of the assembly to accomplish, and were, of all men, at heart, not anxious for a long session.  The matters connected with the “Des Moines Improvement,” “Railroads,” “Congressional Apportionment,” the “County Court Bill” and “Military Bill” are to be disposed of, and, yet, had the apparent wishes and judgment of certain gentlemen in the House been consulted, an adjournment would have taken place before this time.

On Saturday quite a flutter was created in the House, in Democratic ranks, by the introduction of a bill which provides more perfect safe guard around the ballot-box.  The bill contains a simple provision that, in case of challenge at election, an affidavit shall be substituted for the mere verbal oath now prescribed.  It simply contemplates the perpetuation of evidence against any one who may be disposed to swear falsely.  Of course, it operates upon all classes, the foreign and native-born alike, and yet Democracy cried “Know-Nothingism,” “Proscription,” &c.  Unless Republicans allow themselves to be driven from their propriety by this silly cry from the advocates of an effete, broken down and disorganized party, I think the measure will become law.  It is very clear that there are many illegal voters who have been acting with the said Democratic party, and from whom it derives a large share of its strength, who would pause and hesitate before subscribing their names to a deliberate falsehood.

The file leaders see this, and hence the opposition with which the measure is assailed.  After due consultation they were found a unit against it.

ARGUS.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 29, 1862, p. 1

25th Missouri Infantry Position Marker: Reconnoitering Road, Shiloh National Military Park


U. S.

25TH MISSOURI INFANTRY,
PEABODY’S (1ST) BRIG., PRENTISS’ (6TH) DIV.,
ARMY OF THE TENNESSEE
_____ _ ___ _ _____

This regiment was engaged here from 7.30 A.M. to 8.30 A.M. April 6, 1862.  It retired to its camp where next marker will be found.

An Incident of the Rebel Retreat from Bowling Green

The Louisville Journal says:  When General John Cabal Breckinridge started in retreat from Bowling Green, the Cavalry, under B. H. Helm was at Glasgow, and went by what is known as the upper turnpike to Nashville.  The infantry regiments went by the lower turnpike.  These roads unite near Goodlettsville, Tennessee. – When the infantry arrived at this point, Helm’s cavalry was only for miles distant; a report had gained credence that the approaching cavalry was the Union advance under General Mitchel.  This completely stampeded the Southern chivalry, and those gallant officers, all in search of their lost rights, put their men at a double quick, and after going at this pace for five miles and throwing away many knapsacks, blankets, arms, &c., they were overtaken by the cavalry, who had been considerably accelerated on seeing the road strewn with the aforesaid articles of war.  Col. Helm was as much surprised to find his brother rebels drawn up in line of battle in a cornfield as they were pleased and mortified at their disgraceful scare.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 29, 1862, p. 1

Dedication of the Iowa Monuments at Shiloh National Military Park: Introductory

The ceremonies attending the dedication of Iowa monuments on the battlefield of Shiloh as outlined by the official program, were arranged for November 23, 1906, 1:30 P.M., at the Iowa State Monument, near Pittsburg Landing.

The commission desiring that further tribute should be paid to the Iowa soldiers at Shiloh on the sacred ground where, with their respective regiments they met the foe, was instrumental in so arranging the itinerary as to give a day for services at the Iowa regimental monuments in various parts of the Shiloh field. Accordingly it was planned that two days should be spent on the battlefield, the party to arrive at Pittsburg Landing Thursday morning, November twenty-second, and to depart the following evening, and that the regimental exercises should be held on the morning of the first day.

These exercises involved the matter of transportation for one hundred and fifty people or more over a five-mile circuit at a place where there were no public conveyances. To obviate the difficulties anticipated, an arrangement was made to bring carriages from Corinth and other distant towns; but while at Chattanooga the commission was notified that this plan had been abandoned because of high water which had made the streams next to impassable. In the dilemma the chairman of the commission, Colonel W. B. Bell, left the governor’s party, going by rail to Corinth, thence by team to the Landing, and spent a day driving through the surrounding region, rousing the inhabitants to the necessity for providing transportation of some sort, and notifying them to bring what they had to “the store” at the Landing at 8:30 A.M. the next day. The Tennesseans came, some twenty-five in number, with teams of horses and mules, with lumber wagons in variety, and as the governor's party marched up from the river preceded by the band, all were given seats in the unique conveyances and the procession moved out upon the field.

The exercises of this day were in charge of Captain Charles W. Kepler, who led the procession and determined the order in which it should move, which was, proceeding first to the extreme right of the Union battle line, thence dedicating the monuments in the order in which they came while moving from the right to the left. At each regimental position the company alighted and forming in a group about the monument joined in loving tribute to those whom the memorial honored.

The dedication ceremonies began at the monument of the 16th Infantry.

SOURCE:  Alonzo Abernathy, Editor, Dedication of Monuments Erected By The State Of Iowa, p. 201-2

Rev. J. A. Morris

REV. J. A. MORRIS was born in Harrison County, West Virginia, July 1, 1833. His parents, Joseph and Nancy (Davison) Morris, were reared in Virginia. His father was a Baptist minister; was in the ministry fifty years.  He died in Harrison County at his old home in 1863, aged eighty-one years. He had a brother, Hon. Thomas Morris, of Cincinnati, Ohio, who at one time was a member of the United States Senate. His mother died at the old home in 1868, aged nearly eighty years.  Rev. J. A. Morris was the youngest of thirteen children. Three brothers and one sister are living – Calvert L., of Medora, Warren County, this State; William N., a resident of Gilmer County, West Virginia; Allen J., of Lewis County, West Virginia; Mrs. Harriet Cozad, now living in Corydon, Iowa.  Mr. Morris was reared on a farm. A portion of his time was spent in a mill and in carpenter work. His educational advantages were good for that period, and he early qualified himself for teaching. Being a natural student, much of his education was acquired outside of the school room. In 1855 he was converted to the cause of Christ, and joined the Methodist Episcopal church. He was soon after made a class-leader; was licensed exhorter on the 12th of March, 1859; was ordained deacon in 1863, and was ordained elder in 1870. He was appointed chaplain of the One Hundred and Thirty-eighth Virginia Militia during the war.  March 15, 1859, he was united in marriage with Miss Cynthia J. Read, daughter of Francis and Arah Read. She, also, was the youngest of thirteen children, and was born in Barbour County, West Virginia, August 17, 1833.  Mr. and Mrs. Morris lived in West Virginia until they came to Liberty Township in 1864. In that year he purchased his homestead. He owns 350 acres on sections 7, 8 and 20; forty acres of timber being on section 20. The residence portion was purchased of Rev. A. W. H. Millard, now deceased. The residence of Mr. and Mrs. Morris is one of the best in Clarke County. It was built partly by himself with a view to comfort and convenience.  They have had nine children – Louella is a literary and music teacher, now engaged in Fairview, Warren County; Michael C., now attending Simpson College, at Indianola; Waitman T., now teaching in Liberty village; Emeline V., Boyd T., Arah May, Rose Altha, and Martha V.  Anna, the eight child, an infant, died in 1872.  While at all times holding himself ready to work in the Master’s vineyard, Mr. Morris is not regularly engaged in ministerial labor. His services are always to be relied upon in the upbuilding of the cause, or in any other good work. He always endeavors to deal justly and fairly with all men, and if he makes mistakes they are of the head and not of the heart. As a writer he is forcible; as a speaker he always commands attention. In early days Mr. Morris was a Whig, but is now a Republican.

SOURCE: Biographical and Historical Record of Clarke County, Iowa, Lewis Publishing Company, Chicago, Illinois, 1886 p. 287-8

Diary of Alexander G. Downing: Sunday, December 8, 1861

Reveille sounded this morning at 2 o’clock. We jumped out of our bunks, packed our knapsacks, and got started for the railroad station by daylight. As we left the barracks and entered the main street leading down to the city, the sun away to the southeast, just above the hills, showed its face — a regular ball of fire. How glorious it was! I think I shall never forget it. Arriving at the railroad yards, we stacked arms and went to loading our commissariat onto the cars — coal cars. At noon we boarded the train for Jefferson City, riding in box-cars and open cars, and reached our destination at 6 p. m.

While loading our train at St. Louis, we heard the church bells calling the people to worship. It made many of us think of home and I wonder if the folks at home were thinking of us boys here at the seat of war. For here there is no church for us, and when we get orders to go, there is no stopping for Sunday.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 22

Saturday, September 29, 2012

Dedication of the Iowa Monuments at Shiloh National Military Park: Address Nathan E. Kendall of Iowa

Mr. President, Members of the Shiloh Monument Commission, Veterans of the Civil War, Ladies and Gentlemen:

For the distinguished honor which is now conferred upon me I return the acknowledgment of my sincere gratitude. Two score and four years ago at this hour this splendid nation of ours, now so happy and peaceful and contented in every section of its territory, was engaged in a tremendous conflict to determine whether any government deriving its just powers from the consent of the governed and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal, could maintain its own integrity among the peoples of the earth; a conflict so significant, so appalling, so unparalleled in the written records of civilization that the imagination, however vigorous and resourceful, is incompetent to delineate its immeasurable magnitude. I am profoundly impressed by the consideration, Mr. President, that we are at this moment assembled upon one of the principal battlefields of all history. It is a theater upon which, in April, 1862, there was illustrated the sublimest exhibitions of American bravery, American endurance, American patriotism. Here the intrepid Johnston, sustained by the fearless daring of the south, encountered the invincible Grant, supported by the superb courage of the north. And in the carnage of that awful collision were blood and death and immortality. The heroes who shall sleep forever in this sacred soil, whether robed in the blue of victory or in the gray of defeat, each battled to his grave for a principle which he believed with every aspiration of his soul to be right; each rendered to his country the last final measure of duty as he conceived it; and the incomparable valor of each is now the priceless heritage of all our people. And as, with uncovered heads, we tarry momentarily at this historic spot made holy by the lives here sacrificed for free government, in the shadow of this imperial column erected by the pride and gratitude of a mighty state, let us again highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain, and let us consecrate ourselves anew to the great cause for which they surrendered their precious lives. When the statesmanship of the Revolution organized this government and adopted our constitution, it guaranteed to all citizens, catholic and protestant, puritan and cavalier, royalist and republican, equal security in life, property and the pursuit of happiness; and bottomed upon this principle the United States of America entered upon its long career of prosperity and usefulness and honor. The student of affairs is interested and yet perplexed when he is compelled to consider that even at the remote day when Washington was inducted by unanimous acclaim into the first presidency, there existed radical difference of opinion respecting the character of the New Republic. One school of thought affirmed that it was merely a voluntary association of sovereign states subject to be dissolved at the election of any one or number of its membership. Another school of thought maintained that it was an Union, inseparable, imperishable, perpetual. Out of this disparity of belief, honestly entertained and earnestly defended, there arose as the years elapsed heated discussion, bitter controversy, crimination and recrimination; all to be adjudicated forever, to be adjudicated irrevocably, to be adjudicated right, at Vicksburg, and Shiloh and Appomattox Court House. And in that dark and doubtful day there were patriots tried and true. It affords us infinite satisfaction to remember, Mr. President, that in that supreme crisis which wrenched and almost wrecked the Republic, our own peerless commonwealth sustained no inconspicuous part and achieved no inconsiderable renown. Her brave boys in blue were on every tedious march, in every sweltering trench, at every deadly charge; always the first to the front and the last to the rear. And they did not sheath their swords nor stack their guns until the emancipation of the slave and the permanence of the Union were assured.

It is not possible to refer to the heroes living and dead who struggled here except in language which, in any other connection, would be condemned as inexcusable extravagance. They are the most resplendent stars in all the firmament of humanity. Nobler than the Roman, grander than the Greek, they suppressed an insurrection without a precedent and without a parallel. I have for every one of them a deep and reverent affection, and I seldom deliver public address without acknowledging my individual obligation to the men who rescued this Republic when it was attacked by open treason at the south, and assailed by covert disloyalty at the north. No hope of conquest induced their enlistment in the great army of freedom; no ambition of office reconciled them to the indescribable sacrifices which they embraced. The historian of the future will not discover in all the annals of the past a more inspiring example of human grandeur than that presented by the volunteer soldiers of America who conquered the armed enemies of their government upon the bloody battlefields of the civil war. Nothing could be more gratifying to the martyrs who perished here, could they be conscious of it, than the reflection that their unrivalled exploits are recounted with solemn but exultant approval upon every proper occasion. So long as we understand the principle of gratitude, so long as we comprehend the beneficence of liberty, so long as we canonize the exhibition of loyalty, so long will we preserve the splendid history of the most gigantic civil struggle in the annals of humanity. The soldiery of any country represents its physical sovereignty, and no nation can organize an army so imposing or so powerful as were those invincible battalions which mustered under the stars and stripes from 1861 to 1865. No soldiery ever entered a field with such noble purpose, and none ever emerged with a record of such glorious accomplishment. When our beloved flag was insulted, when our territorial integrity was threatened, when our national life was imperiled, they promptly responded to the appeal of President Lincoln, and cheerfully embraced self immolation to secure the perpetuity of this government of the people, by the people and for the people, and to render forever positive the certainty that that government, after being baptized in the sacred blood of the Revolutionary fathers, should not disappear from the earth, but that it, under God, should have everlasting life.

The civil war was an unprecedented catastrophe. Reflect a moment. The terrible loss of life, the tremendous destruction of treasure, the firesides ruined, the hearthstones desolated, the families beggared, the national travail and wretchedness and misery, the individual suffering and sacrifice and death! Think of the faithful husband, as he renounces the sweet and tender associations of home; think of his goodbye to his devoted wife and his cherished children, and then think of him on the bloody field of battle, slowly dying of a mortal wound, and all for principle, all for liberty, all to maintain an united government of indestructible states, one and indivisible, then and forever! Think of the dutiful son, the silent joy of an affectionate and solicitous mother, the stalwart support of an aged and declining father, think of his farewell to those sorrow-stricken parents; farewell, not until tomorrow, not until next week, not until after a while, but farewell until they all shall stand at the last day, in the presence of each other, before the judgment bar of God! Think of the romantic suitor, as he sighs au revoir to the soft-voiced siren who has long reigned empress in his heart. Behold a splendid handsome fellow, strolling in a quiet woody place with the maiden he adores! Perhaps it is the last interview they ever will have on this earth. The surroundings are of an inspiring character. There is the fife and the drum and the uniform and the march, and there are the grand old patriotic songs that stir men's souls. Here are the sweethearts under the shade and sanctity of a leafy arbor; all without is tumult and confusion, all within is confidence and love. The fragrant flowers are swinging and swaying and blooming in the summer sunset, the care-free birds are warbling forth their sweetest strains in the stately treetops, the solitary nightingale is singing his song of joy and pain, and this rueful Romeo is whispering to his gentle Juliet the old, old story which always is new at every repetition. But suddenly the drums beat, the advance is sounded, they must part for a time — it may be forever. Think of that young hero as he marches away to the wild, grand music of the war:

“His not to reason why,
His but to do and die.”

And then think of him on this sanguinary field, yielding up his young life that the Great Republic might live. My countrymen, you may suggest that in the painting of these pictures I have employed only the darkest and most somber colors, but I insist that they are only typical of an hundred thousand similar tragedies. We try to measure all the sorrow and the sacrifice, and we are transfixed with horror. The eyes grow dim, the lips are silent, the heart is still. Oh, how superb, how magnificent, how glorious, how cruel, how terrible, how remorseless is war to the victorious and to the vanquished!

It was a calamity unspeakably sorrowful, that fratricidal misunderstanding between the people of the north and the people of the south. But we long ago learned to know beyond all doubting truly, that the Almighty has his own purposes and that the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether. There could not be a new birth of freedom so long as the old institution of slavery survived. There could not be a more perfect union in peace until the doctrine of the states’ rights perished by the sword. There could not be remission of national sin without the shedding of individual blood. And so the war was inevitable. It was an awful retribution, but its compensations were more than manifold, for out of it there emerged the regenerated, the reunited, the real Republic, which is now the miracle and the marvel of all the civilized communities of the earth. The conflict itself has become a priceless and imperishable memory, cherished everywhere throughout the length and breadth of our common country. And it is our common country now. A little while ago I witnessed a spectacle which to me was a genuine revelation. There were miles of carriages, civic societies in full uniform, salvos of artillery, regal pomp, and military pageantry. The occasion was the unveiling of that historic statue erected on the Lake Front by the gratitude and generosity of the state of Illinois in honor of General John A. Logan. Throughout the five miles of that remarkable procession, the atmosphere was enriched with continuous cheers, as Federal and Confederate emulated each other in tribute to that redoubtable warrior, the superb "Black Eagle" of the Fifteenth Army Corps. And as I looked upon that demonstration, I said to myself, it is our common country now. In the national park at Chickamauga, the sovereign state of Kentucky has erected a single monument to her sons in blue and her sons in gray, who fought and fell on that decisive field. And on that magnificent marble there is inscribed these significant and inspiring words:

“As we are united in life, and they in death, let one monument perpetuate their undying deeds, and one people, forgetful of all the bitterness of the past, ever hold in grateful remembrance all the glories of the terrible conflict which made all men free, and retained every star upon our nation’s flag.”

And when but yesterday I stood in the shadow of that imperial column and read that noble sentiment composed by a Colonel who commanded a Confederate regiment, I said to myself again, it is our common country now. Who, indeed, can doubt it after the memorable incidents of the Spanish-American war? That was an unfortunate and sanguinary controversy in which we became embroiled with a semi-barbarous power, but let it be remembered that it was not of our own provoking. After exhausting every resource of pacific diplomacy, the government of the United States was compelled to submit the questions at issue to the arbitrament of the sword. We forbore until forbearance ceased to be a virtue, we delayed until dilatoriness was fast becoming a crime. Yonder on the little island of Cuba, thousands of innocent women and children were starving at our very threshold. Cruelties and inhumanities beyond description were daily practiced upon inoffensive noncombatants. Robbery, rapine, and murder without example characterized the conduct of Spain toward her impoverished dependencies. We petitioned, and our petitions were ignored with contempt. We remonstrated, and our remonstrances were scorned with defiance. We protested, and our protests were spurned with derision. Finally the good ship Maine was destroyed, and by that last act of infamy two hundred and sixty-six of our gallant seamen, upon a friendly visit to a supposedly friendly port, with no moment's warning of impending danger, were ruthlessly slaughtered, and without a conscious struggle they passed from the repose of sleep to the repose of death. Then came our declaration of war. It was a trumpet call to duty, and it unified this country as no other agency could have accomplished. Party disagreements were forgotten in the national peril. Personal differences were silenced in the presence of insult to the flag. Instantly, a million men were ready to respond to the crisis, and they came from every city, from every town, from every village, from every hamlet in the broad commonwealth. For the first time in generations there was no north, no south, no east, no west; only a common country, whose dignity had been challenged, whose authority had been impeached. Everywhere the old songs, once sung to symbolize antagonistic sections, were now rendered alternately and indiscriminately by the grand orchestra of aroused, enthusiastic, united American patriots. Thus fortified we proceeded from victory to victory, while vengeance was ours, and until we had repaid. That war was doubly holy because it was a concrete defense of humanity in the abstract. It was our supreme privilege to emancipate a beleagured people, to avenge fiendish and brutal assassination, and once again to banish European tyranny from the occidental hemisphere. My countrymen, I do not know what your opinion may be, and I trust that I do not abuse this occasion, but I announce the profound conviction that there is no place in the territory of this western continent for any but American institutions; there is no room in the atmosphere of this western world for any but the American flag. And in that brief but brilliant engagement with Spain, when I saw the Federal General Merritt and the Confederate General Wheeler standing side by side and shoulder to shoulder under the stars and stripes of the national Union, achieving a new and illustrious glory for our resplendent Republic, I said to myself again, a thousand times, it is our common country now. From Maine to California, from the great lakes to the Gulf of Mexico, the veterans in blue and the veterans in gray are unanimously committed to the proposition that this is a single commonwealth with a single flag and a single destiny. And thus in harmony of spirit the comrades of Grant and the comrades of Lee are journeying down to the twilight of life together with charity for all, with malice toward none. The old anger, the ancient acrimony, all unfriendly feeling, is rapidly vanishing, aye, we believe it has completely vanished from the recollections of men. Over the graves of the fallen dead the spring has cast its tender violets, the summer its gorgeous field of flowers, the autumn its golden withered leaves, the winter its blanket of crystal snow. All is forgiven, all is forgotten except the glorious results of the combat in which our soldiers were engaged, the reminiscences of it in which they alone have the right to indulge, and the obligation which devolves upon us to establish appropriate memorials to commemorate their heroism. The past, so filled with magnificent achievement, is past. We turn with undiminished confidence to the unexplored future. Today, we are the most important people on earth, today we are the most progressive, today we are the most enlightened. We know more than any other people. We have more books on our shelves, more pictures on our walls, more thought in our brains. We have more pleasant homes in this country, more happy children, more beautiful women, more intellectual men; and the world is higher and grander and nobler than ever before. And the government which the fidelity of the north preserved at Shiloh and on a thousand other fields of carnage, is the best government ever organized by man. No other nation so nearly approaches absolute equality, no other republic ever survived half so long without a successful revolution, and every additional star that we imprint upon our emblazoned banner is a perpetual evidence that we intend to advance throughout all eternity. And this shall constitute the marvelous future of our country; that it is and shall be for all time, the United States of America. What is he whose heart is not uplifted, whose soul is not enraptured, whose spirit is not transfigured by the mighty magic of those symbolic words — the “United States of America”?


“Breathes there the man, with soul so dead,
Who never to himself hath said,
This is my own, my native land!
Whose heart hath ne’er within him burn’d,
As home his footsteps he hath turn’d
From wandering on a foreign strand!
If such there breathe, go, mark him well;
For him no minstrel raptures swell;
High though his titles, proud his name,
Boundless his wealth as wish can claim;
Despite those titles, power and pelf,
The wretch, concentered all in self,
Living, shall forfeit fair renown,
And, doubly dying, shall go down
To the vile dust, from whence he sprung,
Unwept, unhonor'd, and unsung.”


The United States of America! The immortal principles of justice and equity which underlie it! The incomparable benefits which it secures to its citizenship! The inestimable sacrifices which have been suffered to maintain it! It is our home, our country, our beloved government, bequeathed to us forever by the venerated fathers, the most invaluable inheritance ever bestowed upon the sons of men! And it shall go forward forever, surmounting one obstacle after another in the pathway of its development and of its destiny, until at the last it shall seize and hold and reflect the glory and the grandeur of all the earth. Joaquin Miller, that erratic, eccentric and almost insane genius of the Sierra Nevadas, has written a poem of Columbus and his voyage, of its hope and fear and doubt and despair, and of its ultimate reward in the discovery of an unsuspected continent. I never read that poem that I do not instinctively feel that its exalted sentiment typifies the irresistible progress of my country:


“Behind him lay the gray Azores,
Behind the gates of Hercules;
Before him not the ghost of shores;
Before him only shoreless seas.
The good mate said: ‘Now must we pray,
For lo! the very stars are gone.
Brave Adm'r'l, speak, what shall I say?’
“Why say: ‘Sail on! Sail on! and on.’”

    *    *    *    *    *    *    *    *

“They sailed and sailed, as winds might blow,
Until at last the blanched mate said:
‘Why, now not even God would know
Should I and all my men fall dead.
These very winds forget their way,
For God from these dread seas is gone.
Now speak, brave Adm'r'l, speak and say —’
He said: ‘Sail on! Sail on! and on!’

“They sailed. They sailed. Then spake the mate:
‘This mad sea shows his teeth tonight.
He curls his lip, he lies in wait,
With lifted teeth, as if to bite!
Brave Adm’r’l say but one good word:
What shall we do when hope is gone?’
The words leapt like a leaping sword:
‘Sail on! Sail on! Sail on! and on!”

“Then, pale and worn, he kept his deck,
And peered through darkness.
Ah, that night Of all dark nights! and then a speck —
A light! a light! a light! a light!
It grew, a starlit flag unfurled!
It grew to be Time’s burst of dawn.
He gained a world; he gave that world
Its grandest lesson: ‘On; Sail on!’”


And so, my countrymen, shall this imperial Republic of ours, proud of yesterday, contented with today, hopeful for tomorrow, sail on and on and on throughout the countless cycles of its shining career, until finally it shall realize the loftiest aspiration of the most devoted patriot who ever offered his best blood to establish it, to maintain it, to defend it. Veterans of the greatest conflict in all history, living and dead, this is your contribution to the happiness of humanity, to the welfare of the world! At the last day, when all men appear to be judged according to the deeds done in the body, surely the approving voice of the great Master will pronounce upon each of you the triumphant benediction: “Well done, good and faithful servant, enter thou into the joy of thy Lord.”

SOURCE:  Alonzo Abernathy, Editor, Dedication of Monuments Erected By The State Of Iowa, p. 277-87

Stephen C. Messenger

STEPHEN C. MESSENGER, a successful and enterprising farmer and stock-raiser, residing in Troy Township, on section 16, was born in Richland (now Morrow) County, Ohio, the date of his birth being April 11, 1833. His parents, James and Rachel (Corwin) Messenger, were natives of the State of Pennsylvania, the father born in Greene and the mother in Washington County. Since the father’s death the mother makes her home with our subject, being now seventy one years of age. Stephen C. Messenger passed his youth on the farm, being reared to agricultural pursuits, which he has made the principal avocation of his life. His education was obtained in the common schools of his native county.  He was united in marriage August 19,1854, to Miss Bethenia Truex, who was born in Southern Ohio, a daughter of John P. Truex, deceased. Eight children have been born to Mr. and Mrs. Messenger, only three now living – William H., who married Mina Axtel, lives on section 7; Mary Ellen, wife of Walter H. Moffitt, of Union County, and John N.  Mr. Messenger came to Iowa in the fall of 1859, when he located in Union County, his home there being but three and a half miles from his present farm. During the late war he enlisted in Company B, Eighteenth Iowa Infantry, but only served five months, being sick most of his term of service.  In April, 1882, Mr. Messenger settled on his farm in Troy Township, where he has since followed farming and stock-raising with excellent success, being now the owner of 400 acres of valuable land. Both he and his wife are members of the Baptist church.

SOURCE: Biographical and Historical Record of Clarke County, Iowa, Lewis Publishing Company, Chicago, Illinois, 1886 p. 344-5

Diary of Alexander G. Downing: Saturday, December 7, 1861

The Eleventh Iowa received marching orders today, and we are to carry forty rounds of extra ammunition, besides our cartridge box of forty rounds. There was no drill or dress parade today on account of an all-day rain.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 21

Friday, September 28, 2012

Union Line of Defense: Reconnoitering Road, Shiloh National Military Park


Finally aware that great numbers of Confederates were marching on their camps, the Union Sixth Division organized its first line of defense along the ridge in front of you.  Henry M. Stanley, a Confederate infantryman, described what it was like here when his regiment tried to break through the Union line:

Union Defense Line
April 6, 1862 - 7:30 A.M.

Still advancing, firing as we moved, I, at last saw a row of little globes of pearly smoke streaked with crimson, breaking out with sportive quickness from a long line of bluey figures in front; and, simultaneously, there broke upon our ears an appalling crash of sound, the series of fusillades following one another with startling suddenness, which suggested to my somewhat moidered sense a mountain upheaved, with huge rocks tumbling and thundering down a slope, and the echoes rumbling and receding through space.






“Twenty thousand muskets were being fired at this stage, but though, accuracy of aim as impossible, owing to our laboring hearts, and the jarring and excitement, many bullets found their destined billets on both sides.”

– Henry M. Stanley
6th Arkansas Infantry



Henry M. Stanley, later a renowned journalist and explorer, served as a private with the “Dixie Grays” of the 6th Arkansas Infantry.  Stanley was only 21 when he marched into his first great battle here.  A fourth of his companions were under 20.


Death Of Dr. Witter

We learn that Dr. Amos Witter, Surgeon of the 7th Iowa Regiment, and late Representative in the General Assembly from Linn County, died a few days since at his home, to which he had recently returned by reason of illness.  The labors of his position as Surgeon had been extremely arduous, and were probably the occasion of his death.  The Doctor was an honored citizen and a faithful public officer. – {Des Moines Register.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 29, 1862, p. 1

Dedication of the Iowa Monuments at Shiloh National Military Park: Address of General James B. Weaver of Iowa

Mr. Chairman, Comrades, Ladies and Gentlemen:

Forty-four years and seven months have passed away since the sanguinary conflict known as the battle of Shiloh took place here.

With some of you, I was numbered among the 6,664 Iowa men who, on that occasion, sustained the shock of battle and I bore an humble part in both days’ engagements. This is the first glimpse I have had of the field since April eighth or ninth, 1862, immediately following the battle, when we turned our bronzed faces towards Corinth, Mississippi, another Campus Martius in the neighboring state some twenty miles away to the southwest. The visit and the occasion which have called us hither have profoundly impressed my mind, inspired and quickened my memory. This serious thought, among a multitude of others, impresses me. All the great commanders who faced each other in this arena are gone. Some of them fell here — notably, Generals W. H. L. Wallace, of the Union forces, and Albert Sidney Johnston, of the Confederates. These men fell by the side of thousands of the brave men who served under them. Nearly all of their subordinates, and the rank and file — as gallant as were ever marshaled or led to battle upon the earth, have passed into the realm beyond. And yet it seems but as yesterday since we were here in the strength, bloom and fire of our youth. Friends, there is no time. We live in eternity. We count what we call days and years by the rising and setting of the sun, the recurrence of the seasons and the return of the equinoxes. But neither sunshine nor shadow, darkness or light; neither the seasons nor the movements of the heavenly bodies can separate us from eternity in which we live and move, and which (a most comforting thought) is also the dwelling place of our Almighty Creator and loving Father.

It seems to me that the firmament above our heads is full of the disembodied spirits of our old comrades. The blue and the gray are at peace over there, and I fervently thank Almighty God that their surviving friends, now constituting a united and mighty nation, are at peace also — peace among themselves.

If our eyes should be opened as were the eyes of the servant of the Prophet Elisha, we would behold the air filled with chariots and with horsemen. They are certainly all about us, and we can almost feel them fanning our brows, hear the rustle of their celestial garments and can almost grasp them by the hand.

But why was this battle fought, and what lasting good was accomplished for civilization by the prodigious sacrifices made here and then — a combat so epoch making that a half century after it took place it calls for the erection of these cenotaphs and mausoleums, designed to challenge the attention of mankind for all time? The world knows what was accomplished at Marathon in the year 490 B.C. But for that victory all Greece would otherwise have become a part of Persia. Persian power was on that occasion broken forever. The 192 Greeks who laid down their lives to accomplish that result were accorded the honor of burial upon the field and the tumulus which covers their dust remains to the present day. Ten thousand Greeks under Miltiades, with a loss of only 192 men, vanquished 110,000 Persians under Darius. The important achievement secured to the world by that victory is easy of comprehension.

We know what the battle of Pharsalia signified. In the year 48 B.C., Caesar, the Commoner, brought the civil war to a close by overthrowing Pompey, the aristocrat, and with him the hosts of the Roman aristocracy. It ushered in the era of peace throughout the Roman empire and prepared mankind for the advent of the new conscience from Palestine. From two households then formed or forming in the atmosphere of love's sweet affiance, were soon to issue John the Baptist from the one, and the Virgin Mother and the Prince of Peace from the other. A greater than Caesar came. We can grasp, then, the significance of the great conflict at Pharsalia. We can also understand the value to mankind the triumph of Charles Martel. Eight hundred years after Pharsalia, at the end of seven days of hard fighting Charles the Hammer, on the banks of Loire, midway between Tours and Poitiers, hurled the Saracens from France, drove them beyond the Pyrenees, saved Europe from the grasp of the Turk, and made it the abode of our blessed Christian faith. Had Charles Martel failed, all Europe would have become Mohammedan. Although these great battles occurred 2,500, 2,000 and 1,300 years ago, respectively, their ripe fruits in an ever increasing harvest is constantly falling into the lap of civilization and will continue to bless all generations of men through all time.

I have mentioned these three great battles of antiquity and merely hinted at their lasting significance in order that I might help you, as well as myself, to grasp more clearly the far reaching character of the victory at Shiloh. It was indeed a costly victory and can not be justified by the considerate judgment of mankind unless some lasting good was secured. The first day, the Union forces consisted of about 40,000 men and the Confederates about 44,000. The second day the Union army was reinforced by nearly 18,000 men under General Buell, which gave us greater preponderance over the Confederates on the second day than they had over us on the first.

The total loss of the Union army in both days was 13,047 — or 22 per cent, the total loss of the Confederate army, both days, was 10,699 — or 24 Per cent, the total number of men engaged on both sides was 101,716 and the total loss was 23,746 — or 23½ per cent.  Iowa had 6,664 men engaged with a total loss of 2,409 — or 36 per cent.

General Grant says, in his Memoirs, “Shiloh was the severest battle fought at the west during the war, and but few in the east equalled it for hard, determined fighting.”  Grant was a competent judge. He was here in person. His impressive figure, stern face, and resolute bearing were photographed indelibly upon my brain as I saw him ride along our depleted lines. He knew what victory would mean and grasped the full significance of possible defeat. The victory, dearly purchased, was with the Union arms. The Confederate army, sorely decimated, was sent reeling in despair to the southward.

When Albert Sidney Johnston attacked our lines so furiously and so unexpectedly on Sabbath morning, April 6, 1862, he knew that Grant’s army, including Buell’s forces, numbered less than 60,000 men. He knew that this was the only obstacle between the Confederate army and the banks of the Ohio. If that force could be overcome, the cities of Louisville, Cincinnati and Nashville with their adjacent territory were within his grasp, and that henceforward the war would have to be fought out in the north. Johnston knew further that the defeat of the Union forces here meant the annihilation of Grant’s army — for remember that yonder river (pointing to the Tennessee), swollen to its brim, was back of us, and in case of defeat, made our retreat impossible and our capture certain. If defeated, we would have no army left in the west. The west, then, was saved by this victory and the Confederate forces were hurled southward upon their own territory, and their dream of northern invasion from the west was gone forever. Henceforth, they were to act chiefly upon the defensive. This was the immediate result achieved on this field. It opened the way for the later triumphs at Corinth and Vicksburg, and made it reasonable to expect success at Mission Ridge and Lookout Mountain. It enabled Sherman to enter upon his succession of victories which made his march to the sea possible. Our victory here then was of tremendous consequence to the Union and Confederate forces, and to their respective governments. Yea more, it was one of the bloody blows delivered during the war for human rights, and for the equality of all men before the law. It was one of the great events of the war that made final emancipation of the black race possible, and it lit up the Declaration of Independence with its original effulgence. Along with other similar battles, it quickened the conception of all the world of that unalterable truth that “all men are created equal and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness,” and that governments are instituted among men to secure these rights and not to destroy them. That the unconstrained consent of the subject is essential to all good government. This declaration, and the amendments to the constitution which followed the civil war, must and will forever stand. They “were graven with an iron pen and lead in the rock forever.” All attempts to shake them are frivolous and merely loquacious.

The things accomplished in the sixties are numbered among the eternal verities, and their logic is inexorable. The fifteenth amendment is among these verities. To disturb or attempt to disturb them can in no way afford a solution of the perplexing problems bequeathed to us by the civil war. On the contrary, it would delay their solution indefinitely.

I noticed a few days ago that Governor Vardaman of Mississippi — a gentleman for whose exalted talents and sincerity of purpose I have the highest appreciation — is reported to have said, on the occasion of the dedication of the Illinois monuments at Vicksburg, that he did not believe that all men are created equal. He thinks there are inferior races. I deny it. God’s inferior family is found among the brute creation and over them man has complete dominion. But he was never given dominion over his brother. You cannot find it in the commission. Can he find a race of men not endowed by their Creator with the inalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness? If he can not, then all races of men are entitled to an opportunity to develop all the good there is in them, and the privilege of doing this within their own governments instituted by themselves. But when a race of a lower order of development is domiciled with a race of superior development, must the race of inferior growth be allowed to dominate the superior? A thousand times no. It is contrary to the natural order. It can never be. One of the errors both of emancipators and the apologists is that having developed one truth they have too often failed to reason on to other cognate truths. They stop short in their investigations and think there is no more truth beyond. They see one star through a rift in the clouds, and conclude that it is the only star in the firmament.

I observe that the Honorable John Sharpe Williams, in a recent utterance, advises the people of the south to import white labor to take the place of the present industrial force. This is most excellent advice, and should be acted upon in every southern state at once. But it does not touch the alarming situation that confronts the southern people. It does not touch the real dilemma that confronts the whole country, and that concerns us all — What is to be done with the Negro? I realize that the question to which I am now addressing myself is unquestionably one of the overshadowing contentions of the age in which we live. It is the second and complex phase of the controversy that precipitated our civil war. I cannot at this time treat the subject fully — simply suggestively. But why temporize? It must be met. We must look squarely at it and settle it justly and quickly. While I cherish firmly the doctrine that all men are created equal, I also hold that this is a white man’s government. The two apothegms are not in conflict. They are both true. This has been made clear to me by the lapse of time, the growth of the problem, and by research. Formerly I abhorred the latter when it was made to do service for slavery. But I now suggest that it be made the slogan of final emancipation. France is the Frenchman’s government, England is the Englishman’s government, China is the government of the Mongolian. This is the white man’s government and Africa the black man’s government, or country. But all nations of men were created equal. There are four great mountain peaks that stand hard by the stream of human history and lift their heads through the clouds into perpetual sunshine. First, in the councils of eternity, God said, Let us make man. Thousands of years afterward, He sent His Son into the world to redeem man — not any one race of men — and by the grace of God, Jesus Christ tasted death for every man. Less than a century after the crucifixion, that marvelous man Paul stood up at Mars Hill and said to the learned Greeks, “Of one blood God hath created all the nations of men who dwell upon the face of the whole earth and hath defined the bounds of their habitations.”  There is a scientific, ethnological fact clearly stated. If your streets are stained with blood, your chemist can tell you whether it is the blood of a human being or of one of the lower animals. But he can not tell you whether it is the blood of a white man or a black man. But 1,700 years after Paul's speech at Mars Hill, Thomas Jefferson, with Pauline faith, declared, and our forefathers proclaimed it, that all men are created equal and endowed by their Creator with the inalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, and that to secure these ends governments are instituted among men deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. Now there are the four mountain peaks upon whose majestic brows is gleaming and will forever gleam the Divine halo — creation, redemption, unity of blood and equality of rights for all men derived from heaven. I thank my Creator that these great landmarks are forever beyond the reach of malice, ignorance or greed.

But if all men are created with equality of rights, and at the same time this is a white man’s government, what is to be done with the Negro? Did you catch Paul’s meaning when he said that God had created of one blood all the nations and “defined the bounds of their habitations?” America is not the Negro’s habitat. This country is not within his habitation. God never domiciled two nations of men together. Heaven loves peace and commands justice. When one nation invades another, you have war. When the Mongolian attempts to crowd in upon us, there is trouble, and they are excluded by law. Commercial relations are natural and tend to peace. But all attempts to settle two distinct and antagonistic races within the same territory is unnatural and destructive of social security. The Negro does not belong here. He was brought hither by crime, which was prompted by greed. He is out of his latitude and away from home. He can never reach his natural and proper development here. He has a country richly endowed with everything necessary to the comfort and happiness of man. There he can live in peace, equality and respectability. He can never do so on this continent. Two distinct races can not dwell together in happiness. We might as well recognize this burning fact first as last. Neither can the Negro be held among us in a position of inferiority and dependence. It is contrary to sound ethics, at war with the whole genius of our institutions, and it makes the Golden Rule a farce. While here of course the Negro must be secure in his rights before the law, and the door of opportunity open to him. But he should be prepared for his exodus — not by forcible deportation, but by voluntary, intelligent migration. Moses led the Israelites out of Egypt. That people never could have been incorporated into the Egyptian body politic. They went to their own country through forty years of rough discipline, in order that they might accomplish their Divinely appointed work. The Negro has had a like probation. Our whole national policy toward him has been false, cruel, and unchristian. At the close of the war, he should have been sent home by deportation instead of being made the plaything of politicians. It was not done, however, and now the problem is upon us with tremendous weight. It is estimated that they are increasing at the rate of 1,500 per month. They numbered four millions at the close of the war. They now number ten millions. At the end of the next forty years they will reach the forty million mark, and within the lifetime of children now born they will nearly, if not quite, number one hundred millions.

Now what is to be done with them? Talk of the problems which are pressing upon us for a solution — and they are many and mighty; but none of them are equal in importance to this awful storm now gathering upon our horizon. We of the north are too far from the storm center to be properly sympathetic with our white brethren in the south, and they are too near to have an accurate perspective of the situation. One thing is sure — they can not be retained here as hewers of wood and drawers of water for the cultivated men among whom they dwell. They can not be kept here for exploitation. They can not be retained in the south, for soon the south will not be big enough to hold them. They can not, in any considerable numbers, he diffused throughout the north, for they are fast becoming as distasteful to us as they are to the south. We must awake to the fact that the Federal government has not discharged, it has scarcely begun to discharge, its full measure of duty toward these people. It liberated them and sent them adrift without chart or compass. It must now promote their exodus. Let the whole Negro race in this country set their faces toward Africa and a Black Republic. I would have the colored schools and colleges make the study of Africa a part of their curriculum. They should send expeditions of their brightest young men and women to Africa to study its climate and resources, and they should return and make report as did the spies who explored Canaan, and these reports should be scattered among the colored people like the leaves of the forest. When they learn of their inheritance, they will go, and their Moses will appear. The coasts of Africa should be surveyed and its harbors sounded, its rivers navigated, its forests penetrated and its mines prospected. Colored medical students should be sent to study climatic diseases and remedies. The Federal government should encourage this, open the way by its splendid diplomacy, and all good people of the north and south should speak of the contemplated exodus with favor.

The immigration of white labor will be slow, of course, and so will the exodus of the blacks. The one will come in as the other goes out, and there will be no resultant shock to industrial progress. The young and the middle-aged among the Negroes should lead the way to the promised land, and the older classes can go later. These people were brought here in chains in the dismal holds of slave ships. Let them return as freemen in our modern ocean steamers and with the flag of the Black Republic streaming from the masthead. I pray God that the people of the United States may awake to the situation ere it is too late.

SOURCE:  Alonzo Abernathy, Editor, Dedication of Monuments Erected By The State Of Iowa, p. 268-77

Philip H. McCartney

PHILIP H. McCARTNEY, an enterprising and successful agriculturist of Washington Township, was born in the town of Martinsburg, in Butler County, Pennsylvania, the date of his birth being April 11, 1838. When about twelve years of age he accompanied his parents, William and Elizabeth (Haines) McCartney, to Adams County, Ohio, where the family resided till the father died, his death being the result of a wound received at the battle of Shiloh while serving with the Seventieth Ohio Infantry. After the death of her husband the mother went to Peoria County, Illinois, where she still makes her home.  Philip H., our subject, passed most of his youth in Adams County, Ohio. In the fall of 1856 he went to Peoria County, Illinois, locating on a farm in 1857. He was married in 1858, to Sarah A. Patton, of Peoria County, a daughter of Joseph B. Patton, a resident of the same county.  He continued farming in Peoria County till August, 1862, when he enlisted in the service of his country, a member of Company C, Seventy-seventh Illinois Infantry. He served two years and four months, and during this time participated in the battles of Mission Ridge, Helena, siege of Vicksburg, Arkansas Post, the Red River Campaign, and was with Sherman on his grand march to the sea. He was mustered out of the service at Jefferson Barracks, St. Louis, Missouri, in February, 1864.  He then returned to his farm in Peoria County, Illinois, where he remained till March 1876. He was bereaved by the death of his wife in 1874, who left three children – William P., Walter A. and Luella G. For his present wife he married Isabelle Nicholson, a native of England, but at the time of her marriage living in Peoria County. To this union have been born four children – Maud E., Winfield G. B., Harry J. and Zelda L. Mrs. McCartney is a daughter of Thomas Nicholson, a native of England.  Mr. McCartney came with his family to Clarke County, Iowa, in March, 1876, when he settled on his present farm on section 12, Washington Township, where he has eighty acres of choice land. He has met with success in his agricultural pursuits and is now the owner of 246 acres, most of which is well improved and under fine cultivation. Besides his home farm in Washington Township, he has 161 acres in Fremont Township, on section 7, and five acres of timber land. The first three years of his residence in Clarke County, besides running his farm, he was largely engaged in buying and shipping stock. Of late years he has turned his attention to the raising of stock, and is making a specialty of high-grade cattle and Poland-China hogs. In the year 1885 he raised 160 hogs. Mr. McCartney has served as a member of the School Board.

SOURCE: Biographical and Historical Record of Clarke County, Iowa, Lewis Publishing Company, Chicago, Illinois, 1886 p. 389-90

Diary of Alexander G. Downing: Friday, December 6, 1861

Very warm and pleasant. There are soldiers drilling almost all the time. Our drill ground is level but well drained, so that even after a heavy rain it is soon dry again.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 21

Thursday, September 27, 2012

7th Arkansas Infantry and 2nd Arkansas Infantry Position Marker: Reconnoitering Road, Shiloh National Military Park



C. S.

7TH ARKANSAS, 2D ARKANSAS,
SHAVER’S (1ST) BRIGADE, HARDEE’S CORPS,
AMRY OF THE MISSISSIPPI
_____ _ ___ _ _____

These regiments, on left of Shaver’s Brigade, were engaged here at 7.30 A.M. April 6, 1862.



There never was a set of men . . .

. . . in such straights for a principle – an idea – a plank – a catch word – anything upon which to build a party and divide the country, as are a part – the worst part, of the leaders of the defunct Democratic party.  They care nothing for the country, for principle, for truth, for honor.  A stupendous lie is dearer to them than truth if they can win with it.  Like the leaders of the rebellion they would blot out our National existence and drench our whole country in blood if thereby they could place themselves in the ascendant under a new form of Government, no matter what.  In the start they were intent upon aiding their friends, the rebels, by organizing an anti-war party.  The “Black Republicans” had made the war and might fight it.  No Democrat ought to enlist.  They hoped that every one that enlisted would be killed.

But these villains soon learned that they could not organize a party in opposition to the war with any chance of success and desisted from the effort, not because thereby they were aiding the rebels, but because the people had discernment and patriotism and were determined to stand by the Government at all hazards.

Afraid longer to oppose the war – afraid longer to appear in public places and openly persuade men not to volunteer, they contented themselves with opposing any sort of taxation to pay the expense of the war.  These knaves now drink rye and other substitutes for coffee, because they fear that their money will go into the coffers of the nation and aid in preserving this glorious Union.  With faces of uncommon length and accents of deepest despond they speak of the dreadful taxes which are to be levied and the impossibility of payment!  Here and there they find a knave or simpleton into whose willing ears they hiss the poison of their cold blooded treason.  But thank God the great mass of the people are earnest and hopeful – have put their hands to the work – have resolved to make every sacrifice and to make it cheerfully.

But most of these political malcontents, who were left last year astride of dead issues and defunct hobbles, and have not had their honesty, patriotism or any good sense enough to place themselves in loyal positions, are now convinced that it is a destruction to oppose the war in any shape, openly or covertly, and that they must move with the current if they succeed.  But an issue is now their great want.  In their great straight they are many of them willing even to rally on a personal issue.  After swearing at General McClellan and ridiculing the Potomac army for the last six months, now that action is called for and the Administration disposed to censure General McClellan for allowing himself to be blockaded for six months by an inferior force and then permitting this force to escape with all its munitions of war unscathed – now that General McClellan has fallen under the ban these Micawbers have suddenly become great McClellan men.  They dilate by the hour upon McClellan’s strategy.  They have not the least doubt that McC. had a deep purpose in this evacuation which was all contrived before hand and happened just as he wished it.  They have no doubt that the taking of Roanoke, Henry, Donelson, Fernandina, Newbern, Beaufort, the Battle of Pea Ridge, everything in short that has been done in the field to the credit and glory of our arms is owing to McClellan’s strategy.  In short they would divide the country upon a mere personal issue if they could.  But they cannot do it.  General McC. is on trial.  If he, with the splendid army he commands, deals the rebellion its death blow, as he may, he will be applauded by the whole country.  If he fails in a reasonable time to show results which as should be shown by so well trained and well appointed an army, he will go to the wall as others have done before him.  In either event these uneasy and unscrupulous gentlemen will find themselves as before without an issue.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 29, 1862, p. 1

Dedication of the Iowa Monuments at Shiloh National Military Park: Address of W. K. Abernethy Representing Governor Cox of Tennessee

Gentlemen of the Commissions, Governor Cummins, Ladies and Fellow Citizens:

No words can express to you my appreciation of the honor which this occasion and this hour confers upon me. The chief executive of our state, who so much desired to be present today, and who has been prevented by the press of official business, has requested that I say to the distinguished representatives from the state of Iowa, for him and for the people of Tennessee, that nothing could have afforded him more pleasure than to be present with you, and join with you in the ceremonies connected with this gathering.

Speaking for our governor, I take pleasure in saying that the state of Tennessee, within whose borders and confines this magnificent military park has been located, bids you a most hearty welcome, and her citizens will vie with one another in making your visit a delightful one, and this occasion a memorable one.

Those who love their country and its many glorious institutions rejoice at these manifestations of love, loyalty and devotion that have made possible this and similar gatherings here since the dedication of this National military park. People from distant and neighboring states have congregated here from time to time to pay a tribute of love and respect to the memories of sons whose valor, heroism and bravery won for them undying fame in the years long gone by.

A little more than forty-four years ago, there were struggling on and over the grounds on which we now stand, two mighty armies. The historian has recorded the result of that great struggle and of the war in which it occurred. He has written of the causes that precipitated that conflict. He has given to the world the story of the privations of the armies; he has told you of their battles, their defeats and their victories. That great conflict is over and belongs to history, and I shall not therefore take up your time upon this occasion in dwelling at length upon the war between the states. What I know of it, I have gathered from the pages of history, and from the experiences of those who endured it from the beginning to the end. I can but rejoice that the war is over, and that we are here today the representatives of a reunited country, American citizens, enjoying the advantages and privileges of this peaceful present and joyfully contemplating the future.

Representing as I do a generation born and reared since the smoke of the late conflict between the two great sections of our country cleared away, and Peace resumed her wonted sway over a united and satisfied people, prosperous today in their pursuit of life, liberty and happiness, welded together by the bands of fraternity as strong as steel, and as enduring as the very foundations of the hills, it is difficult for me to realize that there has ever been the sanguinary estrangement, the great fratricidal strife, to which many in this distinguished presence were eye-witnesses and in whose deadly conflicts so many were active participants.

This friendly, this fraternal gathering, has brought together veterans who wore the blue and those who wore the gray, once arrayed in deadly, aggressive war, each swinging high his banner bright and flashing his polished steel, marching to death under shot of musketry and storm of leaden hail, keeping step to drumming cannon, urged on by the maddened kings of war, the blue stabbing at the life of his antagonist in gray, the gray parrying the thrust only to dip his blade in the blood of the blue; it is difficult, I say, for me to reconcile this and similar gatherings all over the land to the record of history. But such is history's record, reinforced by the testimony of the presence of those today who fought in that terrible war, and in the bloody battle of Shiloh, those whose comrades lie sleeping in the quiet sanctuary of the tomb yonder, overlooking the beautiful, the historic Tennessee, or resting peacefully in unmarked graves beneath the whisperings of the oaks or the moaning of the pines in yonder forest.

The civil war was a decisive one in the history of this nation, and the battle of Shiloh was a decisive battle in that war. The civil war settled the many great questions that had been perplexing to the statesmen of that day and age, and the bloody battle fought here on the sixth and seventh of April, 1862, settled the result of that war. Without that war, deplorable and unfortunate as it may appear, this land would have been the scene of many violent outbreaks, and the end could not have been foreseen. Constitutional liberty, aye the very constitution of the government was involved; the life of the nation was at stake; dangers from without and within were real and apparent. Whether this government could exist half slave and half free, whether there should be the perpetuation of the institution of slavery, or whether it should be abolished, whether this was a union of indestructible states, an indissoluble one, or whether it was a voluntary compact, from which one could withdraw without the intervention or consent of another, these and other kindred and delicate questions had to be determined. Wars before had been waged, but no such questions had ever arisen as those confronting the American people in the early days of the sixties and prior thereto.

The Revolution had been fought and the liberty of the colonists had been won on bloody fields, and against great odds.

The constitution had been written long before; the war of 1812 had been fought and its results had gone on the pages of history without the settlement of these great questions which were agitating the public mind and threatening the dissolution of the Union. It was now that the American people were facing a crises. They looked and beheld on the political horizon a cloud, flecked and afar, standing against the sky. They saw that cloud enlarge and grow until it hid the sun and sky, and darkness covered the land. But it was only that darkness that preceded the sunburst of universal freedom in this land.

Another conflict of arms must be waged, but it was not to be a conflict of conquest and subjugation, but of the claims of constitutional government, prompted and carried on by sentiments of unsullied patriotism. These claims were denied by a people who loved their country and its traditions. He who wore the gray and marched under the stars and bars was alike loyal to his home and his principles as was he who wore the blue and marched under the stars and stripes.

A peaceable solution of these great questions had been sought in legislative councils, in judiciary proceedings, and at the ballot box, but in vain. The issues were well defined, and all arbitrament but that of the sword must be abandoned. At Sumter, Bull Run and Manassas, the signal cannons pealed forth the incipient strife. The salutation is answered in hurrying troopers from every nook and corner of the divided land; there is heard the farewell bidding to home and loved ones, and seen the hurrying of platoons to the embattled front. Grant, hurrying up the Tennessee and Cumberland, and planting the victorious stars and stripes at Forts Henry and Donelson, and then in a hand to hand conflict at Shiloh, on this red field of battle, with Johnston, the Blucher of the Confederacy, and on to the Father of Waters to open the gateway to the sea, Bragg and Johnson thundering against Buell and Burnsides. Thomas standing like a rock at Chickamauga, Hooker scaling the heights of Eagle’s Nest and fighting the battle in the clouds, Johnson like a giant with arms of steel, holding in check the advancing foe, challenging them to battle at Dalton, Ringgold and Kennesaw, making the last grand stand at Atlanta, Sherman’s march and encampment at the sea, Lee heading his army at Gettysburg, the bloody encounters of Spottsylvania, the Wilderness and along the Rappahannock, the battles of Vicksburg, Franklin and Murfreesborough, and the dashing campaigns of that matchless chieftain, the wizard of the saddle, Nathan Bedford Forrest, all of these closing in the imposing scene at Appomattox, surpassing in its grandeur anything in the annals of war.

Marathon had its Miltiades; Thermopylae its Leonidas; Arbela its Alexander; Marengo and Austerlitz their Napoleon; Waterloo its Wellington, and Yorktown its Cornwallis and its Washington. But it was reserved for Appomattox to crown the climax and to encircle with immortelles the brows of her Lee and her Grant. The latter, unwilling to humiliate the heroic leader of the cause he had so gallantly defended and gloriously lost, appears not with sounding trumpet and bugle blast, caparisoned as the conqueror comes, but in the costume of the camp and saddle, he appears, his great heart swelling with emotions of gladness and gratitude that the end had come. He has shown himself the general worthy of his country and cause, as well as the proudest mention of history. He now, in this imposing hour, with the gaze of the world fixed upon him, does not mistake the opportunity of adding to his laurels as a soldier the grander glories of the statesman, philosopher and humanitarian. Lee, the pride of the south, who had led many bloody charges, the victor on many hard fought fields, but whether in victory or in defeat, the same calm, self-possessed, masterly man, has now come to lay down his sword at the grave of the cause he had so loyally defended, thus yielding to the inevitable — defeated, but his pride still pulsing through his great soul, he is soon to quit the life of the soldier to serve his country in the noble example of an American patriot and industrious citizen.

These and other events of military and patriotic sacrifice, occurring in rapid succession, make up a history fraught with victories and deeds of heroic daring, long marches, privations, great suffering, and achievements in military science and strategy unknown to former wars.

In this connection I cannot refrain from speaking briefly of the sequences of this unprecedented conflict. I see these two mighty armies, each strong and firm in the righteousness of its cause, made up of the boys and young men from the glebe and fallow, from the shop, mine and factory, from hamlet, town and city, responding with alacrity to the call of arms from the respective heads of the warring sections, melt away like snow. I see the soldier in gray shaking in friendly grasp the hand of his erstwhile foe in blue, while the soldier in blue divides his rations and his money with his defeated but unconquered brother in gray, each bestowing his blessings upon the other, and they are foes no more but friends forever, the heirs of a common heritage, each proud of his valor and achievement in war. The bivouac is ended; the tattoo and reveille will be sounded no more. The sky for a covering at night and the blood-stained earth for a bed, have been exchanged for the comforts of home. While many of the homes in this southland were desolate and in ruins, it was still home, sweet home. The knapsacks are hung up, and the old dented canteen is put on duty in the field. Tales of war entertain the fireside and social circle, and war songs are sung as the days come and go. Only a few months elapse until the neglected fields are blooming with the products of his labor. The horse that pulled the cannon or bore upon his back the dashing cavalier in January, now pulls the wagon to church for the discharged soldier and family in August.

In this beloved southland, with all of its tender memories, and sweet associations, no battalions of soldiers or armed constabulary are needed to troop the land, to enforce allegiance to the flag borne by the victors in 1865. The south appealed to the sword, the last arbitrament of nations, she staked her all and lost. She accepted the result proudly and with patriotic ambition set to work to redeem her waste places and to rebuild her fortunes by the sweat of honest brows. Trained in the school of liberty and democracy as preached by the Apostle of the New Dispensation of Freedom, our purposes and aims have been and ever will be, henceforward and forever the same. Sectional lines have vanished, and social economic and moral questions engage our time and thought. My faith in the wisdom, the patriotism and the integrity of the American people causes me to believe that the great questions and issues left us by the civil war, as grave and complex as were ever addressed to mankind, will be settled and settled right. Let us confide in one another and in God, and our peace and salvation are assured.

My friends, you have come from far off Iowa, to dedicate these monuments to your heroic and immortal dead. We all know that these, your testimonials of love and reverence will soon pass away. The tooth of time will destroy that proud monumental shaft, and those beautiful patriotic lines will soon be effaced and no longer read. But while the monuments of brass and marble will crumble, there is builded in your heart and in mine, in the hearts of all who love freedom, liberty and a peaceful united country, one that shall stand so long as the human heart can love. The deeds of your sons and of ours who wrote the history of a great struggle with their own blood, and who piled upon the altar of their country the most precious sacrifice, will continue to live when these proud monuments shall have gone to dust, for

“On Fame's eternal camping ground
Their silent tents are spread;
While Glory guards with solemn round
The bivouac of the dead.”

You who have come to our own Tennessee will soon return to your homes, and these imposing monuments, these testimonials of a grateful state to her heroic dead, will be left to and entrusted to us of the south. Tennessee assures you that her citizens will care for them, and upon the graves of your soldiers, who sleep in this southland, will bloom the rose, the violet and the lily, and on the periodical recurrence of lovely springtime, when the decoration day shall come, these mounds, whereunder sleep your dead, will be beautified by loving hands, and if in your northern country some southern soldier may sleep, guard well his mound and keep it green. Some loved one here has prayed for one who never returned, and as some mother whose son, or some wife whose husband, or some sister whose brother weeps over an unknown grave here, planting thereon some sweet flower, caring for it with tender hand and watering it with her tears she will believe that loving tender hands are caring for the one yonder.

My friends, as we go hence from these grounds, hallowed by tender memories and baptized with the blood of heroes in the long ago, let us gather inspiration for the conflicts of the future, rejoicing that we are all citizens of the same country, living under the same flag, enjoying the same blessings. As you shall return to your homes, we assure you that you carry with you our warmest and kindest feelings. The southern country through which you have journeyed is enjoying an era of prosperity. Her furnaces are aglow; her sons are in the forefront; her industrial development is the pride and marvel of the world. Our joys are your joys; our prosperity is your prosperity. A more glorious day has dawned upon this nation, and we are all rejoicing in the hope of a more glorious future.

Our distinguished governor, who presides over the destinies of two millions of peaceful, contented, prosperous and patriotic people, speaking for our citizenry, extends to the people of Iowa through her illustrious governor who graces this occasion with his presence, assurances of friendship and good will. If in the future it shall not be our good fortune to meet you again, may the ties that bind us here draw us together in a reunion beyond the River, under the shade of the trees in that sinless, summer land.

Governor Cummins, Ladies and Gentlemen, it has been a pleasure to meet you.

SOURCE:  Alonzo Abernathy, Editor, Dedication of Monuments Erected By The State Of Iowa, p. 261-8