. . . . Sumner speaks of the Message with great
gratification. It satisfies his idea of proper reconstruction without insisting
on the adoption of his peculiar theories. The President repeated, what he has
often said before, that there is no essential contest between loyal men on this
subject, if they consider it reasonably. The only question is: — Who constitute
the State? When that it is decided, the solution of subsequent questions is
easy.
He says that he wrote in the Message originally that he
considered the discussion as to whether a State has been at any time out of the
Union, as vain and profitless. We know that they were — we trust they shall be —
in the Union. It does not greatly matter whether, in the meantime, they shall
be considered to have been in or out. But he afterwards considered that the 4th
Section, 4th Article of the Constitution, empowers him to grant protection to
States in the Union, and it will not do ever to admit that these States have at
any time been out. So he erased that sentence as possibly suggestive of evil.
He preferred, he said, to stand firmly based on the Constitution rather than
work in the air.
Talking about the Missouri matter, he said these radical men
have in them the stuff which must save the State, and on which we must mainly
rely. They are absolutely uncorrosive by the virus of secession. It cannot
touch or taint them. While the conservatives, in casting about for votes to
carry through their plans, are tempted to affiliate with those whose record is
not clear. If one side must be crushed out and the other cherished, there could
be no doubt which side we would choose as fuller of hope for the future. We
would have to side with the radicals.
“But just there is where their wrong begins. They insist that
I shall hold and treat Governor Gamble and his supporters — men appointed by loyal
people of Mo. as rep’s of Mo. loyalty, and who have done their whole
duty in the war faithfully and promptly, — who, even when they have disagreed
with me, have been silent and kept about the good work, — that I shall treat
these men as copperheads and ruinous to the Government. This is simply
monstrous.”
“I talked to these people in this way, when they came to me
this fall. I saw that their attack on
Gamble was malicious. They moved against him by flank
attacks from different sides of the same question. They accused him of
enlisting rebel soldiers among the enrolled militia; and of exempting all the
rebels, and forcing Union men to do the duty; all this in the blindness of
passion. I told them they were endangering the election of Senators; that I
thought their duty was to elect Henderson and Gratz Brown;and nothing has
happened in our politics which has pleased me more than that incident.”
He spoke of the newborn fury of some of these men, — of Drake
stumping against Rollins in '56 on the ground that Rollins was an abolitionist;
— of ci-devant rebels coming here in the radical Convention. Not that he
objected; he was glad of it; but fair play! let not the pot make injurious
reference to the black base of the kettle; he was in favor of short statutes of
limitations.
In reply to a remark of Arnold’s about the improved
condition of things in Kentucky, and the necessity of still greater
improvement, and the good disposition of the Kentucky congressmen, the President
said he had for a long time been aware that the Kentuckians were not regarding
in good faith the Proclamation of Emancipation and the laws of Congress, but
were treating as slaves the escaped freedmen from Alabama and Mississippi; that
this must be ended as soon as his hands grew a little less full. . . . .
SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and
Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 135-8; For the whole diary entry see
Tyler Dennett, Editor, Lincoln and the Civil War in the Diaries and
letters of John Hay, p. 134-7.
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