Preston King tells
me he has a letter from Senator Dixon, speaking of me in very complimentary
terms and expressing a wish that I may continue in the Cabinet, assuring K.
that this is the sentiment of all parties in Connecticut. The President is not
yet prepared to complete the Amnesty Proclamation, nor to issue the order for
the reëstablishment of the authority of the local State governments. Our North
Carolina friends have not arrived. Seward was to-day in the State Department,
and the President with the rest of us went to his room. I noticed that his old
crony and counterpart, Thurlow Weed, was with him as we entered. Seward was
gratified and evidently felt complimented that we called. Was very decisive and
emphatic on the subject of a proclamation declaring the Rebel vessels pirates
and also a proclamation for opening the ports. Both these measures I had
pressed rather earnestly; but Stanton, and Speed under Stanton's prompting, had
opposed, for some assumed technical reason [?], the first, i.e. declaring the Rebel vessels
pirates, and McCulloch the last, opening the ports. I was, therefore, pleased
when Seward, unprompted, brought them both forward. I suggested that the
proclamation already issued appeared to me to be sufficient, but I was glad to
have his opinions on account of the opposition of Speed.
Received a telegram
this P.M. from Commander Frailey and one from Acting-Rear-Admiral Radford,
stating that the former, in command of the Tuscarora, had convoyed to Hampton
Roads the William Clyde, having on board Jeff Davis, Stephens, etc.
This dispatch,
addressed to me, Stanton had in his hand when I entered his room, whither he
had sent for me. The telegraph goes to the Department of War, where it has an
office, and I before have had reason to believe that some abuse — a sort of an
espionage — existed. Half apologizing for an obvious impropriety, he said the
custody of these prisoners devolved on him a great responsibility, and until he
had made disposition of them, or determined where they should be sent, he
wished their arrival to be kept a secret. He was unwilling, he said, to trust
Fox, and specially desired me to withhold the information from him, for he was
under the Blairs and would be used by them, and the Blairs would improve the
opportunity to embarrass him.
I by no means concur
in his censures or his views. Fox, like Stanton, will sometimes confide secrets
which he had better retain, but not, I think, when enjoined. The Blairs have no
love for Stanton, but I do not think he has any cause of apprehension from them
in this matter.
He wished me to
order the Tuscarora to still convoy and guard the Clyde, and allow no
communication with the prisoners except by order of General Halleck or the War
Department, — General Halleck, Stanton has ordered down from Richmond to attend
to this business, — and again earnestly requested and enjoined that none but we
three — himself, General Grant, and myself — should know of the arrival and
disposition of these prisoners. I told him the papers would have the arrivals
announced in their next issue.
Stanton said no word
could get abroad. He had the telegraph in his own hands and could suppress
everything. Not a word should pass. I remarked he could not stop the mails, nor
passenger-boats, and twenty-four hours would carry the information to Baltimore
and abroad in that way. Twenty-four hours, he said, would relieve him.
Stanton is
mercurial, - arbitrary and apprehensive, violent and fearful, rough and
impulsive, — yet possessed of ability and energy. I, of course, under his
request, shall make no mention of or allusion to the prisoners, for the
present. In framing his dispatch, he said, with some emphasis, the women and
children must be sent off. We did not want them. “They must go South,” and he
framed his dispatch accordingly. When he read it I remarked, “The South is very
indefinite, and you permit them to select the place. Mrs. Davis may designate
Norfolk, or Richmond.” “True," said Grant with a laugh. Stanton was
annoyed, but, I think, altered his telegram.
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