WASHINGTON, March 7.
SENATE. – The special message of the President was read, and referred to the judiciary committee.
Mr. Sumner presented a memorial, signed by many prominent merchants of N. Y., asking that immediate action be taken to provide for the transportation of the mails from N. Y. to Panama.
Mr. Wade moved to take up the bill to provide for the occupation and cultivation of the cotton lands. The motion was agreed to, yeas 25, nays 11.
Mr. Davis said that some time since the Legislature of Kentucky passed a resolution requesting his predecessor and colleague to resign. His colleague had not resigned, and fifteen days since the Senator from Minnesota offered a resolution for the expulsion of his colleague. The Kentucky Legislature is not in session, and they want to know when that question is to be acted upon. If he is to be expelled, the Legislature do not want to adjourn and allow a disloyal, traitorous governor to appoint any one to take the place of his colleague.
Mr. Trumbull said the committee were doing their best, and would make a report soon.
Mr. Powell said that he was a little surprised at the zeal of his colleague, but would only say that he (Powell) was anxious for an investigation to be had. The action of the Kentucky Legislature was a matter between himself and that body. He could make it plain to the Senate, and would do so that his action in the last Senate was entirely in accordance with the will of the people as expressed by the resolution, to-wit: to preserve a strict neutrality in Kentucky. He (Powell) was perfectly willing to abide by the decision of the people of Ky. at any time. He only intended to ask the attention of the Senate to a brief statement vindicating himself.
After the committee had reported and all the senators had spoken, Mr. Carlisle said he was sorry to see that the Senators were determined to press this bill. He did not believe that the government held supreme control over all the lands of the country. The bill proposes to substitute a government in place of the present masters of slaves, and to make the government one great lordly slaveholder, with a great brood of petty agents. The provisions of the bill make human treatment of the slaves impossible. There are also appeals coming here to us from thousands of the white race who have been turned out of their homes, and these appeals have more force for him (Carlisle) than any that could come from the negro. This bill will take from the treasury immense sums of money, which could be better used in the scheme of colonization.
Mr. Pearce thought the bill impracticable, and a most extraordinary and political blunder. The money that it would cost the government to provide for these indigent persons would make the treasury more indigent than themselves; when the bill was then passed by yeas [20], nays 14.
NAYS – Messrs. Browning, Carlisle, Cowan, Davis, Henderson, Kennedy, McDougal, Pearce, Powell, Rice, Saulsbury, Thomson, Wilson, of Mo., and Wright – 14.
HOUSE. – Mr. Gurley introduced a bill to secure to pilots, engineers, sailors and crews upon the gunboats and war vessels, their bounties and pensions.
The House then proceeded to the consideration of the bill to authorized the Secretary of the Treasury to purchase coin, and for other purposes.
Mr. Pendleton inquired of Mr. Stevens whether in his (Stevens’) opinion it was necessary to authorize the sale of the five hundred million bonds recently authorized, in order to realize sufficient coin for the payment of the interest, which could not be by next July more than forty million.
Mr. Stevens did not think it necessary, but it was found by the Secretary of the Treasury that these bonds can’t be sold except at a great sacrifice, which he did not choose to make, hence he suggested the passage of the bill, so that the specie section of the recently enacted U. S. note law may not be repudiated.
Mr. Pendleton expressed himself satisfied with the explanation, and would vote for it. He, however, offered an amendment, which was agreed to, asserting that the demand notes shall be receivable for duties on imports. With this exception the bill was then passed as originally introduced.
Mr. Harding said that he had noticed in the newspapers, that the chairman of the committee on territories had reported a bill providing for territorial governments in the seceding States, and for their subsequent admission into the Union. He (Harding) was at a loss to ascertain how this information was obtained.
Mr. Ashley, the chairman of the committee, informed his colleague thereon, that the committee authorized him to report the bill, and under instruction he had moved its printing and recommitment to the committee.
Mr. Harding said that the newspapers also said that the Senate committee on territories had concurred in the provisions of this bill.
Mr. Ashley replied that he was aware that the committee, with the chairman of which he had been in consultation, had not come to any conclusion on the subject. If the newspapers had made a misstatement, the chairman of neither of these committees were responsible for it.
Mr. Harding said that only four out of nine members of the committee had agreed on this bill, and yet it was out as the report of the majority of the committee.
Mr. Ashley further explained that he gave printed copies to those who asked for them.
The bill to render valid and to authorize the extension of the patent granted to Jno. S Minie, for an improvement in the manufacture of lampblack, was passed by a vote of 73 against 30.
The House then went into committee of the whole on the state of the Union, the bill relating to the franking privilege being finally under consideration. Mr. Blair proceeded to speak of the military department of the West under Gen. J. C. Fremont.
Mr. Blair said a very great pressure had been brought to bear through the newspapers, to force Gen. Fremont into a command, and to force the Administration against its judgment expressed after deliberation, to employ him in some one of the military departments. He (Blair) had seen it stated in telegrams that Gen. Fremont had again and again demanded a trial. This is not true.
Mr. Riddle, of Ohio, asked on what authority the gentleman made the last statement.
Mr. Blair, resuming, said no demand for a trial had been made, unless it has been done within the last two or three days. Gen. Fremont had not made the demand at all, for he (Blair) had taken pains to satisfy himself of the fact, by inquiring at the office of the Adjutant General and that of the Judge advocate of the army. It was most extraordinary that an officer of the army charged with the crime of mutiny and misconduct of the war, and deposed from his command in consequence of these charges should not ask a trial. He ventured the assertion that, if General Fremont will demand a trial, the Administration will grant it. It had also been heralded that the committee on the conduct of the war had demanded his (Fremont’s) restoration. He (Blair) undertook to say that such was not the fact. Blair said there were preliminary symptoms which foreshadowed an announced simultaneous appearance of the statement made by Gen. Fremont, in his defense before the committee and the speech of this aid-de-camp, Shanks, in this House. The statements of the speech inaugurate a campaign and a new field, and the battle is to be fought with weapons far different than the rude instruments of war – with proclamations which up to this time in Gen. Fremont’s hands had no serious effect.
He (Blair) did not believe that Fremont was authorized to publish his statement which was extraordinary in its character.
Mr. Gooch, member of the committee on the conduct of the war, said that Gen. Fremont having presented a large number of documents, was requested by the committee to prepare a concise statement as to the administration of affairs in his department which Fremont did. At a subsequent period, Gen. Fremont again appeared before the committee and was questioned. When he was about to leave the room he was requested not to give information to anybody outside of what he stated to the committee. He (Gooch) understood Gen. Freemont to acquiesce in this request, as he had in all others made by the committee. He (Gooch) only wished to add that the publication was made without the knowledge and against the consent of the committee.
Mr. Blair – Was All published?
Mr. Gooch – His (Fremont’s) statement and documents and not the portion in response to the inquiries.
Mr. Blair said Mr. Fremont’s statement was extraordinary as the manner in which it found its way into print. It was an apology for disaster and defeat, ingeniously suppressing important facts, and suggesting others which never existed. In this he showed he is a better apologist for defeat than a general to achieve victories. He then spoke at length of the disasters at Springfield and Lexington, to show that they were attributable to Fremont’s incompetency.
Mr. Blair also examined Fremont’s contract and other transactions. He spoke for about two hours, the time having by unanimous consent been extended.
Mr. Colfax said while he differed with the administration in which he assisted in superseding Gen. Fremont, he desired to have it understood that no matter whom the administration put up or held down, he would sustain with all his heart and soul, and strength of mind, against the rebels in arms. He apprehended that it would hereafter appear that the Gent’s (Blair’s) feelings had perverted his judgment. He knew that all men were fallible. Gen. Fremont was impulsive and impetuous, and he regretted that Fremont had suffered the publication to which reference was made with the obloquy heaped upon him with his retirement for six months.
– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Saturday Morning, March 8, 1862, p. 1
