John J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown, December 5, 1851

WASHINGTON, December 5, 1851.

MY DEAR SIR,—You and other friends have been so remiss in writing to me that I have been, and am still, to a great extent, ignorant of the proceedings and incidents of the late attempts made in the Kentucky legislature to elect a senator to the Congress of the United States. This, however, I do not complain of. I am, perhaps, fortunate, in that it has saved me from some portion of those unpleasant feelings which are unavoidable in such contests. I have learned enough, however, to give me uneasiness and pain. The use which my friends have thought proper to make of my name seems to have been a cause of disturbance and controversy among the Whigs. I owe to them too many obligations for favors and honors received in times past to be willing now to be an obstacle in their way or to be a cause of dissension among them. If it will restore harmony and give them satisfaction, I hope that those of them who have desired my election will yield at once and withdraw my name from the contest. So far as I am concerned, I will be a willing sacrifice to the reunion of the Whigs. Honorable and desirable as it would be to me to be restored to a seat in the Senate, my ambition is not so selfish as to make me seek it through discord and alienation among my Whig friends. I prefer the good opinion of Kentucky to any office, and I would not excite the ill will of any considerable number of Kentuckians by any strife or contention for office with political friends. I do not see that the mere presentation of my name as a candidate ought to have produced any excitement against me, or among Whigs. I think I have not deserved this, and that there are few who will not agree with me when the passions excited by the contest are past. Still, we must look to the fact, and act upon it accordingly. For my part, I can say that I want no office which is not freely and willingly bestowed, and that I want no contest in which I am to conquer, or be conquered, by my friends. I would rather yield to them than fight them. By the first course, harmony might be restored among them for their own and the country's good; in the latter, nothing but discord and division could be the result. I am averse to be placed in any situation where I could, with any propriety, be regarded as the cause of such evils. I do not mean by this that I would feel bound or willing to yield to a competitor, however worthy, simply upon the ground that he preferred the place for himself, or that his friends preferred it for him. To ask such a submission would be illiberal, and to grant it would be unmanly. Such differences among friends of the same party ought to be settled in a generous and friendly spirit and leave no ill feeling behind. In such settlements, my aim would be not to be outdone in liberality and concession. I should dislike exceedingly to be engaged in any personal or illiberal struggle, and sooner than an election, which ought to be made, should be postponed, I would for the public interest and for harmony prefer to retire from the contest. There might be some mortification attending such a course; but this would be relieved by considering that it was done from motives honorable, friendly, and patriotic. I have served Kentucky a long time; I have served her faithfully, and, I hope, with no discredit to her; but I have no wish to intrude myself upon her for reluctant favors. When my services cease to be acceptable to her, to hold office under her would no longer be an object of ambition for me.

Yours,

J. J. CRITTENDEN.

SOURCE: Ann Mary Butler Crittenden Coleman, Editor, The Life of John J. Crittenden: With Selections from His Correspondence and Speeches, Vol. 2, p. 22-4

Senator Henry Clay to James Clay, March 6, 1850

WASHINGTON, March 6, 1850.

MY DEAR SON,—I have been so excessively occupied that I have written less to you than I wished. Henry Clay came safely to me, and I have placed him, for the present, at the Georgetown College, where he seems contented.

Nothing has occurred since I last wrote to you on your Portuguese affairs. And I presume that no communication will be made to Congress in respect to them, until we settle, if we ever do settle, the Slavery subject. On this subject I made a speech, and offered a plan of compromise, of which I send you a copy. The speech has produced a powerful and salutary effect in the country and in Congress. Whether the plan will be adopted or not remains to be seen. I think if any is finally adopted it will be substantially mine.

The Kentucky Legislature has passed moderate resolutions, given me no instructions, and refused to be represented in the Nashville Convention. All this is well.

My relations to the Executive are civil but not very cordial or confidential. There has been much talk all the session about changes in the Cabinet, and the retirement of Mr. Clayton especially. I am inclined to think that there is some foundation for the rumors.

All are well at home.

My love to Susan, Lucy and the rest of the children.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 601-2

Rutherford B. Hayes to Sardis Birchard, April 25, 1861

CINCINNATI, April 25, 1861.

DEAR UNCLE: — We are glad to hear from you often. I have written almost daily, and am surprised you do not hear from me more regularly. Your letters reach me in good time.

The point of interest here now is as to Kentucky. Her Legislature meets on the 6th of May. If a secession measure is passed we shall expect lively times here immediately afterwards. The chances are about equal in my opinion. If they were armed and ready they would go beyond all question; but their helpless condition will possibly hold them. Our people generally are quite willing to see them go. They prefer open enmity to a deceptive armed neutrality.

Sincerely,

R. B. HAYES.

P. S. — My company drills at 10 A. M. today — Sunday! I have two clergymen and the sons of two others in the ranks. I suspect they will not answer at roll-call.

S. BIRCHARD.

 SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 11-2

Abraham Lincoln to Orville Hickman Browning, September 22, 1861

Executive Mansion,

Washington, Sep. 22. 1861

Hon. O. H. Browning.

My dear Sir:

Yours of the 17th is just received; and, coming from you, I confess it astonishes me. That you should object to my adhering to a law which you had assisted in making, and presenting to me less than a month before, is odd enough– But this is a very small part– Genl Fremont's proclamation, as to confiscation of property, and the liberation of slaves, is purely political, and not within the range of military law, or necessity. If a commanding General finds a necessity to seize the farm of a private owner, for a pasture, an encampment, or a fortification, he has the right to do so, and to so hold it, as long as the necessity lasts; and this is within military law, because within military necessity– But to say the farm shall no longer belong to the owner, or his heirs forever; and this as well when the farm is not needed for military purposes, as when it is, is purely political, without the savor of military law about it– And the same is true of slaves– If the General needs them, he can seize them and use them; but when the need is past, it is not for him to fix their permanent future condition– That must be settled according to laws made by law-makers, and not by military proclamations– The proclamation, in the point in question, is simply "dictatorship"– It assumes that the General may do anything he pleases – confiscate the lands and free the slaves of loyal people, as well as of disloyal ones– And going the whole figure I have no doubt would be more popular with some thoughtless people, than what has been done! But I can not assume the reckless position; nor allow others to assume it on my responsibility. You speak of it as being the only means of saving the government– On the contrary, it is itself the surrender of the government– Can it be pretended that it is any longer the government of the U. S. – any government of constitution & laws, – wherein a General, or a President may make permanent rules of property by proclamation–

I do not say Congress might not with propriety, pass a law, on the point, just such as Genl. Fremont proclaimed– I do not say I might not, as a member of Congress, vote for it– What I object to, is that I, as President, shall expressly, or impliedly, seize and exercise the permanent legislative functions of the government–

So much as to principle– Now as to policy– No doubt the thing was popular in some quarters, and would have been more so, if it had been a general declaration of emancipation– The Kentucky Legislature would not budge till that proclamation was modified; and Gen. Anderson telegraphed me, that on the news of Gen. Fremont having actually issued deeds of manumission, a whole company of our volunteers, threw down their arms and disbanded– I was so assured, as to think it probable, that the very arms we had furnished Kentucky, would be turned against us– I think to lose Kentucky, is nearly the same as to lose the whole game– Kentucky gone, we can not hold Missouri, nor as I think, Maryland–

These all against us, and the job on our hands is too large for us– We would as well consent to separation at once, including the surrender of the capital. On the contrary, if you will give up your restlessness for new positions, and back me manfully on the grounds upon which you & other kind friends gave me the election, and have approved in my public documents, we shall go through triumphantly–

You must not understand I took my course on the proclamation, because of Kentucky– I took the same ground, in a private letter to the General Fremont before I heard from Kentucky–

You think I am inconsistent because I did not also forbid Gen. Fremont to shoot men under the proclamation–

I understand that part to be within military law; but I also think, and so privately wrote Gen. Fremont, that it is impolitic in this, that our adversaries have the power, and will certainly exercise it, to shoot as many of our men as we shoot of theirs– I did not say this in the public letter, because it is a subject I prefer not to discuss in the hearing of our enemies–

There has been no thought of removing Gen. Fremont on any ground connected with his proclamation; and if there has been any wish for his removal on any ground, our mutual friend, Sam. Glover can probably tell you what it was– I hope no real re necessity for it exists on any ground–

Suppose you write to Hurlbut, and get him to resign–

Your friend as ever

A. Lincoln

SOURCE: The Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress

From Washington

WASHINGTON, May 13.

Capt. Boggs, bearer of dispatches from New Orleans, who lost his ship in the gallant fight there, has been assigned to the command of the Juniata, a comparatively new vessel of war, carrying 12 guns, now lying at Philadelphia.

The loss of the Norfolk yard by the rebels burning it, is much regretted.  It will immediately be rebuilt by the Government.

The military board of Kentucky, who, under the authority of the loyal legislature of that State, practically took all the military power out of the hands of Gov. Magoffin last summer, and saved Kentucky to the Union, have sent a deputation to Congress, to ask for moderate and conservative action on the part of Congress. They say that the emancipation act of this district, coupled with the general emancipation and confiscation bills still pending, are creating wide-spread uneasiness and dissatisfaction in Kentucky, and is weakening the hands of the Union men there.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Wednesday Morning, May 14, 1862, p. 1

More Traitors Expelled

We are happy to see, says the Louisville Journal, that the Senate of Kentucky on Saturday purged itself by the expulsion of two notorious traitors, Dr. J. M. Johnson, of Paducah, and W. T. Anthony, of the Warren, Allen & Edmondson District.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 1, 1862, p. 1

LOUISVILLE, March 12 [1862].

The Kentucky Legislature adjourns on Monday until the 24^th of November.  Johnson, Ethridge, and Maynard, left for Nashville to-day.

The Nashville Patriot says that Parson Brownlow is on his way to Nashville, with a pass through the rebel lines, from Jeff Davis.  Brownlow is reported Ill with the consumption.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Friday Morning, March 14, 1862, p. 1

XXXVIIth Congress -- First Session

WASHINGTON, March 7.

SENATE. – The special message of the President was read, and referred to the judiciary committee.

Mr. Sumner presented a memorial, signed by many prominent merchants of N. Y., asking that immediate action be taken to provide for the transportation of the mails from N. Y. to Panama.

Mr. Wade moved to take up the bill to provide for the occupation and cultivation of the cotton lands.  The motion was agreed to, yeas 25, nays 11.

Mr. Davis said that some time since the Legislature of Kentucky passed a resolution requesting his predecessor and colleague to resign.  His colleague had not resigned, and fifteen days since the Senator from Minnesota offered a resolution for the expulsion of his colleague.  The Kentucky Legislature is not in session, and they want to know when that question is to be acted upon.  If he is to be expelled, the Legislature do not want to adjourn and allow a disloyal, traitorous governor to appoint any one to take the place of his colleague.

Mr. Trumbull said the committee were doing their best, and would make a report soon.

Mr. Powell said that he was a little surprised at the zeal of his colleague, but would only say that he (Powell) was anxious for an investigation to be had.  The action of the Kentucky Legislature was a matter between himself and that body.  He could make it plain to the Senate, and would do so that his action in the last Senate was entirely in accordance with the will of the people as expressed by the resolution, to-wit: to preserve a strict neutrality in Kentucky.  He (Powell) was perfectly willing to abide by the decision of the people of Ky. at any time.  He only intended to ask the attention of the Senate to a brief statement vindicating himself.

After the committee had reported and all the senators had spoken, Mr. Carlisle said he was sorry to see that the Senators were determined to press this bill.  He did not believe that the government held supreme control over all the lands of the country.  The bill proposes to substitute a government in place of the present masters of slaves, and to make the government one great lordly slaveholder, with a great brood of petty agents.  The provisions of the bill make human treatment of the slaves impossible.  There are also appeals coming here to us from thousands of the white race who have been turned out of their homes, and these appeals have more force for him (Carlisle) than any that could come from the negro.  This bill will take from the treasury immense sums of money, which could be better used in the scheme of colonization.

Mr. Pearce thought the bill impracticable, and a most extraordinary and political blunder.  The money that it would cost the government to provide for these indigent persons would make the treasury more indigent than themselves; when the bill was then passed by yeas [20], nays 14.

NAYS – Messrs. Browning, Carlisle, Cowan, Davis, Henderson, Kennedy, McDougal, Pearce, Powell, Rice, Saulsbury, Thomson, Wilson, of Mo., and Wright – 14.

HOUSE. – Mr. Gurley introduced a bill to secure to pilots, engineers, sailors and crews upon the gunboats and war vessels, their bounties and pensions.

The House then proceeded to the consideration of the bill to authorized the Secretary of the Treasury to purchase coin, and for other purposes.

Mr. Pendleton inquired of Mr. Stevens whether in his (Stevens’) opinion it was necessary to authorize the sale of the five hundred million bonds recently authorized, in order to realize sufficient coin for the payment of the interest, which could not be by next July more than forty million.

Mr. Stevens did not think it necessary, but it was found by the Secretary of the Treasury that these bonds can’t be sold except at a great sacrifice, which he did not choose to make, hence he suggested the passage of the bill, so that the specie section of the recently enacted U. S. note law may not be repudiated.

Mr. Pendleton expressed himself satisfied with the explanation, and would vote for it.  He, however, offered an amendment, which was agreed to, asserting that the demand notes shall be receivable for duties on imports.  With this exception the bill was then passed as originally introduced.

Mr. Harding said that he had noticed in the newspapers, that the chairman of the committee on territories had reported a bill providing for territorial governments in the seceding States, and for their subsequent admission into the Union.  He (Harding) was at a loss to ascertain how this information was obtained.

Mr. Ashley, the chairman of the committee, informed his colleague thereon, that the committee authorized him to report the bill, and under instruction he had moved its printing and recommitment to the committee.

Mr. Harding said that the newspapers also said that the Senate committee on territories had concurred in the provisions of this bill.

Mr. Ashley replied that he was aware that the committee, with the chairman of which he had been in consultation, had not come to any conclusion on the subject.  If the newspapers had made a misstatement, the chairman of neither of these committees were responsible for it.

Mr. Harding said that only four out of nine members of the committee had agreed on this bill, and yet it was out as the report of the majority of the committee.

Mr. Ashley further explained that he gave printed copies to those who asked for them.

The bill to render valid and to authorize the extension of the patent granted to Jno. S Minie, for an improvement in the manufacture of lampblack, was passed by a vote of 73 against 30.

The House then went into committee of the whole on the state of the Union, the bill relating to the franking privilege being finally under consideration.  Mr. Blair proceeded to speak of the military department of the West under Gen. J. C. Fremont.

Mr. Blair said a very great pressure had been brought to bear through the newspapers, to force Gen. Fremont into a command, and to force the Administration against its judgment expressed after deliberation, to employ him in some one of the military departments.  He (Blair) had seen it stated in telegrams that Gen. Fremont had again and again demanded a trial.  This is not true.

Mr. Riddle, of Ohio, asked on what authority the gentleman made the last statement.

Mr. Blair, resuming, said no demand for a trial had been made, unless it has been done within the last two or three days.  Gen. Fremont had not made the demand at all, for he (Blair) had taken pains to satisfy himself of the fact, by inquiring at the office of the Adjutant General and that of the Judge advocate of the army.  It was most extraordinary that an officer of the army charged with the crime of mutiny and misconduct of the war, and deposed from his command in consequence of these charges should not ask a trial.  He ventured the assertion that, if General Fremont will demand a trial, the Administration will grant it.  It had also been heralded that the committee on the conduct of the war had demanded his (Fremont’s) restoration.  He (Blair) undertook to say that such was not the fact.  Blair said there were preliminary symptoms which foreshadowed an announced simultaneous appearance of the statement made by Gen. Fremont, in his defense before the committee and the speech of this aid-de-camp, Shanks, in this House.  The statements of the speech inaugurate a campaign and a new field, and the battle is to be fought with weapons far different than the rude instruments of war – with proclamations which up to this time in Gen. Fremont’s hands had no serious effect.

He (Blair) did not believe that Fremont was authorized to publish his statement which was extraordinary in its character.

Mr. Gooch, member of the committee on the conduct of the war, said that Gen. Fremont having presented a large number of documents, was requested by the committee to prepare a concise statement as to the administration of affairs in his department which Fremont did.  At a subsequent period, Gen. Fremont again appeared before the committee and was questioned.  When he was about to leave the room he was requested not to give information to anybody outside of what he stated to the committee.  He (Gooch) understood Gen. Freemont to acquiesce in this request, as he had in all others made by the committee.  He (Gooch) only wished to add that the publication was made without the knowledge and against the consent of the committee.

Mr. Blair – Was All published?

Mr. Gooch – His (Fremont’s) statement and documents and not the portion in response to the inquiries.

Mr. Blair said Mr. Fremont’s statement was extraordinary as the manner in which it found its way into print.  It was an apology for disaster and defeat, ingeniously suppressing important facts, and suggesting others which never existed.  In this he showed he is a better apologist for defeat than a general to achieve victories.  He then spoke at length of the disasters at Springfield and Lexington, to show that they were attributable to Fremont’s incompetency.

Mr. Blair also examined Fremont’s contract and other transactions.  He spoke for about two hours, the time having by unanimous consent been extended.

Mr. Colfax said while he differed with the administration in which he assisted in superseding Gen. Fremont, he desired to have it understood that no matter whom the administration put up or held down, he would sustain with all his heart and soul, and strength of mind, against the rebels in arms.  He apprehended that it would hereafter appear that the Gent’s (Blair’s) feelings had perverted his judgment.  He knew that all men were fallible.  Gen. Fremont was impulsive and impetuous, and he regretted that Fremont had suffered the publication to which reference was made with the obloquy heaped upon him with his retirement for six months.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Saturday Morning, March 8, 1862, p. 1