Thomas Driver

Enslaved at the Cumberland Iron Furnace in Dickson County, Tennessee, Thomas Driver had a wife and four children. In 1840, 100 slaves—mostly men between age 24 and 54—labored there. Whites feared insurrection by this large workforce. In 1856 rumors of a slave revolt led to several slaves being hanged.

SOURCE: Information Panel at the Tennessee State Museum, Nashville, Tennessee

George G. Thompson: Would the Slaves of this Country Be Justified in Resorting to Physical Violence To Obtain Their Freedom, April 18, 1835

Mr. Thompson addressed the meeting, and spoke at very considerable length, but we are only able to furnish a few of his remarks.

He differed altogether from a gentleman who had gone before him, who considered the question ill-judged and ill-timed. He (Mr. T.) regarded it as both necessary and opportune. The principles of abolitionists were only partially understood. They were also frequently willfully and wickedly misrepresented. Doctrines the most dangerous, designs the most bloody, were constantly imputed to them. What was more common, than to see it published to the world, that abolitionists were seeking to incite the slaves to rebellion and murder? It was due to themselves and to the world, to speak boldly out upon the question now before the meeting. Christians should be told what were the real sentiments of abolitionists, that they may decide whether, as Christians, they could join them. Slaveholders should know what abolitionists thought and meant, that they might judge of the probable tendency of their doctrines upon their welfare and existence. The Slaves should, if possible, know what their friends at a distance meant, and what they would have them do to hasten the consummation of the present struggle.

If any human being in the universe of God would be justified in resorting to physical violence to free himself from unjust restraints, that human being was the American Slave. If the infliction of unmerited and unnumbered wrongs could justify the shedding of blood, the slave would be justified in resisting to blood. If the political principles of any nation could justify a resort to violence in a struggle against oppression, they were the principles of this nation, which teach that resistance to oppression is obedience to the law of nature and God. He regarded the slavery of this land, and all christian lands, as “the execrable sum of all human villanies” — the grave of life and loveliness — the foe of God and man — the auxiliary of hell — the machinery of damnation. Such were his deliberate convictions respecting slavery. Yet with these convictions, if he could make himself heard from the bay of Boston to the frontiers of Mexico, he would call upon every slave to commit his cause to God, and abide the issue of a peaceful and moral warfare in his behalf. He believed in the existence, omniscience, omnipotence and providence of God. He believed that every thing that was good might be much better accomplished without blood than with it. He repudiated the sentiment of the Scottish bard—

“We will drain our dearest veins,

But we will be free.

Lay the proud oppressor low,

Tyrants fall in every foe,

Liberty’s in every blow,

Let us do or die.”

He would say to the enslaved, “Hurt not a hair of your master's head. It is not consistent with the will of your God, that you should do evil that good may come. In that book in which your God and Saviour has revealed his will, it is written — Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for them which despitefully use you and persecute you; that ye may be the children of your Father which is in heaven. Avenge not yourselves, but rather give place unto wrath.”

He (Mr. T.) would, however, remind the master of the awful import of the following words — “Vengeance is mine; I will repay, saith THE LORD.”

To the slave he would continue — “Therefore, if thine enemy hunger, feed him; if he thirst, give him drink. Be not overcome of evil, but overcome evil with good.”

Mr. Thompson also quoted Eph. vi. 5; Col. iii. 22; Titus ii. 9; 1. Peter ii. 18–23. In proportion, however, as he enjoined upon the slave patience, submission and forgiveness of injuries, he would enjoin upon the master the abandonment of his wickedness. He would tell him plainly the nature of his great transgression — the sin of robbing God's poor, — withholding the hire of the laborer, — trafficking in the immortal creatures of God. He did not like the fashionable, but nevertheless despicable practice of preaching obedience to slaves, without preaching repentance to masters. He (Mr. T.) would preach forgiveness and the rendering of good for evil to the slaves of the plantation; but before he quitted the property, he would, if it were possible, thunder forth the threatenings of God's word into the ears of the master. This was the only consistent course of conduct. In proportion as we taught submission to the slave, we should enjoin repentance and restitution upon the master. Nay, more, said Mr. Thompson, if we teach submission to the slave, we are bound to exert our own peaceful energies for his deliverance.

Shall we say to the slave, “Avenge not yourself,” and be silent ourselves in respect to his wrongs?

Shall we say, “Honor and obey your masters,” and ourselves neglect to warn and reprove those masters?

Shall we denounce “carnal weapons,” which are the only ones the slaves can use, and neglect to employ our moral and spiritual weapons in their behalf?

Shall we tell them to beat their “swords into ploughshares, and their ‘spears into pruning-hooks,” and neglect to give them the “sword of the spirit, which is the word Of God.”

Let us be consistent. The principles of peace, and the forgiveness of injuries, are quite compatible with a bold, heroic and uncompromising hostility to sin, and a war of extermination with every principle, part and practice of American slavery. I hope no drop of blood will stain our banner of triumph and liberty. I hope no wail of the widow or the orphan will mingle with the shouts of our Jubilee. I trust ours will be a battle which the ‘Prince of Peace’ can direct, and ours a victory which angels can applaud.

SOURCES: Isaac Knapp, Publisher, Letters and Addresses by G. Thompson [on American Negro Slavery] During His Mission in the United States, From Oct. 1st, 1834, to Nov. 27, 1835, p. 58-60; “Debate on the Peace Question,” The Liberator, Boston, Massachusetts, Saturday, April 18, 1835.

Thomas Wentworth Higginson to a Louisa Storrow Higginson, November 5,1859

Worcester, November 5,1859

Dearest Mother:

. . . Four days I spent in going to the Adirondacks for Mrs. Brown and then another in Boston about her affairs.

It was a pleasant reward to be taken through that wonderful Notch, far finer than any road through the White Mountains — the excitement of the black gateway enhanced by the snow and ice, and by the fact that for three miles I pursued my runaway horse and wagon, with the constant expectation of finding them smashed on some projecting rock or over a precipice. . . . These mountains were a fitting shrine for the family of Browns and Thompsons. . . .

When I came out through the Notch again, I felt as if that corner of the world would tip down, as if there were not virtue enough here to balance it. . . .

Dear Mrs. Brown — tall, erect, stately, simple, kindly, slow, sensible creature — won my heart pretty thoroughly before we got to Boston, and many people's there, for many visited her during the morning she was there, bringing money, shoes, gloves, handkerchiefs, kisses, and counsel. Amos Lawrence had a large photograph taken of her and now she has gone on to see her husband.

I got safe home, recited to my wondering family the deeds of the invalids and the annals of Marion, and settled down to daily life again. . . . Mary hasn't exaggerated my interest in Harper's Ferry accounts; it is the most formidable slave insurrection that has ever occurred, and it is evident, through the confused and exaggerated accounts, that there are leaders of great capacity and skill behind it. If they have such leaders, they can hold their own for a long time against all the force likely to be brought against them, and can at last retreat to the mountains and establish a Maroon colony there, like those in Jamaica and Guiana. Meantime the effect will be to frighten and weaken the slave power everywhere and discourage the slave trade. Nothing has so strengthened slavery as the timid submission of the slaves thus far; but their constant communication with Canada has been teaching them self-confidence and resistance. In Missouri especially this single alarm will shorten slavery by ten years.

SOURCE: Mary Potter Thacher Higginson, Editor, Letters and Journals of Thomas Wentworth Higginson, 1846-1906, p. 86-7

Major Wilder Dwight: Sunday, December 22, 1861

It is now Sunday morning, and quite cold. We have been building a log-kitchen, and are now building a stable. The government has, I understand, decided to allow us lumber enough to make us quite comfortable. And I think we shall give the coming week to it. If we are to remain for the winter, I incline to think I shall build me a house, by way of pastime, if not for comfort.

This fine open weather, which has hastened the month of December to its close, seems made for use. Perhaps if McClellan could have foreseen it, he would have used it. Now, however, it is too late. Still, events march, — Kentucky swarming with Union soldiers, and soon to be a battle-field; Missouri even now the scene of Federal victory

I think the birds of spring will sing Hail Columbia and the Star Spangled Banner all over the South, though the Christmas chimes and carols may be sadly out of tune. I hope this letter may reach you in season to bring my greeting for Christmas eve. We can hardly receive the Christmas message, “On earth peace, good-will toward men,” in any obvious and literal sense this year. It is said to be the appointed time for a holiday massacre and uprising among the slaves. It is certain that few Christmas firesides which do not miss a soldier from their circle can gather in our land. “Not peace, but a sword.” Yet I can confidently wish a Merry Christmas to you, and look forward to a happier New Year. We are fighting a good fight; if only we can be true to our cause and ourselves, we have the right to indulge the brightest hopes and rely on the best promises. God is with us.

Hang up every sign of Christmas, — the freshest green. Commemorate the message and the Prince of Peace. Gather the Christmas family-circle, and remember the absent; for family ties are never so close as in these days of separation and trial. Love to all at home. I wish I could send a token to every one, but, instead, must content myself with good wishes.

Remember me most kindly to all friends. I should like to drop down among you Christmas morning and catch C——, as I certainly should, after my reveillé experience of the past six months.

SOURCE: Elizabeth Amelia Dwight, Editor, Life and Letters of Wilder Dwight: Lieut.-Col. Second Mass. Inf. Vols., p. 178-9

Review: American Uprising

American Uprising: The Untold Story of America's Largest Slave Revolt

By Daniel Rasmussen

In January 1811 nearly five hundred slaves of Louisiana’s German Coast, some dressed in military uniforms rebelled against their white owners.  They carried with them guns, cane knives and axes, and slowly marched down the Mississippi River toward New Orleans.  The 1811 slave revolt has nearly been forgotten, overshadowed by other more famous historical events such as Nat Turner’s rebellion and John Brown’s raid on Harper’s Ferry.  But despite its lack of scholarly attention the 1811 German Coast slave revolt was the largest slave rebellion in American History.

Author, Daniel Rasmussen, in his book “American Uprising: The Untold Story of America’s Largest Slave Revolt,” unearths the tale of the all but forgotten rebellion, long buried under the sediment of two hundred years of American History, and places it in its rightful historical context.

Mr. Rasmussen demonstrates how the Southern states’ domination of political power in the country’s first decades was largely based in the country’s idea of its own manifest destiny.  As the Northern states grew more populous and industrialized, expansion Southern territory and agriculture was needed to insure the continuation of its political influence.  With each new territorial acquisition the growth of South’s agrarian culture, spurred a corresponding growth in the plantation work force.  As more land came into cultivation more slaves were required to work in the fields.

Slave society, Mr. Rasmussen points out, did not exist in a communication vacuum.  Information flowed by various methods from plantation to plantation, and to the outlying communities or runaway slaves in the Louisiana swamps.  Thus the method by which the seeds of revolution were sown.

There is little evidence left of the leaders of the 1811 rebellion, Charles Deslonde, Harry Kenner, Kook, and Quamanna, but Mr. Rasmussen does an excellent job of stitching together the sparse records of the revolt and its participants and weaves a flowing, easily read, account of the rebellion, which yielded a gruesome harvest of headless rotting corpses and a trail of slave heads mounted on pikes along the Louisiana banks of the Mississippi River.

ISBN 978-0061995217, Harper, © 2011, Hardcover, 288 pages, 1 Map, End Notes, Bibliography & Index. $26.99.  Click HERE to purchase.