John M. Forbes to Nassau W. Senior, September 30, 1861

Naushon Island, September 30,1861.

Dear Mr. Senior, — Your note from the Chateau de Tocqueville reached me a few days since. It must have been a most agreeable reunion there.

We here feel more and more each day the miracle of M. de Tocqueville's prophetic vision of our history. It seems almost like clairvoyance! Our Channing's prevoyance of the results of our Texas land thefts is almost as strange. Such men of genius may well be called seers.

I am sorry that you still class me with the crowd who always seek to forget their own sins in abusing their neighbors. The fact is, all my prepossessions were in favor of England, and I had watched with the greatest satisfaction the subsidence of the old animosities, growing out of the two wars, and the growth of that good fooling which ought to animate the two nations who are, or might be, the bulwark of free institutions against the despotisms of the Old World.

When we cast off the nightmare despotism, which had so long ruled us, the slave oligarchy, which sympathized with Russia because of serfdom, and dismissed your minister to show their homage to the Czar, and which refused you a limited right of search, because it favored the slave trade; in fine, when at last we placed ourselves right on the question of slavery, which has always been a reproach from you to us, I thought the entente cordiale was complete. I did not look for material aid nor want it, but only such forbearance of countenance towards our Sepoys" as would help to discourage them, and would bring our two nations still more into harmony.

Perhaps I feel the disappointment more bitterly than the mob does, because my hope and prejudices were strongly for a warm English alliance— now, I fear, deferred another twenty years. Your "Times " I expected nothing better from than we have had in its cold sneers at the breaking of our bubble of democracy, but from your ministry I did look for something better than a proclamation of strict neutrality, putting us upon precisely the same footing with our “Sepoys,” forbidding either party to bring prizes into your ports, prohibiting your subjects aiding either; and this, too, issued just as our new minister was arriving, thus giving him no opportunity to confer upon mutual interests; for I contend that it is our mutual interests that have been endangered, not ours alone.

I beg your Sepoys’ pardon for naming them with ours. They at least had foreign conquerors, and a hated religion to conspire against, and yet we watched your Indian battles with a brother's eye, and canonized your Havelocks, Hodsons, and other martyrs, as if they had been our own. Even our press, loose as it is, uttered no sound of exultation at what seemed at one time to be the downfall of your Indian empire.

Had your Sepoys brought a prize into our California ports, we should have known only the British owner, and restored her. Once more I beg your Sepoys' pardon. They were not guilty of the deep crime against their nationality and the principles of government which marks our more barbarous rebels!

One word about the Morrill tariff. It is a labored, clumsy production, and it will fall by its own weight. Some of its blunders have been partially corrected; but you mistake the intention of those who passed it, or at least of the majority of them.

Its aim was to substitute the steadiness of specific duties for the vibrating, cheating system of ad valorem. Certain high duties were doubtless smuggled in under guise of specifics, and the extreme difficulty of so framing our specific duties that our poorer classes shall not pay the same duties, per yard or per pound, on their cheap cloth or tea, will probably cause a repeal of the tariff. Yet I think British experience and opinion favor the principle of specific rather than ad valorem duties. One tends to cheat the people who buy the poorest qualities, the other tends to enormous frauds against government and profits by false swearing, and encourages the use of poor, showy goods, as against the more substantial ones which come in under specifics.

You are a little more encouraging as to results than you were, but I still think you do not properly appreciate the fact that we are not fighting to subjugate the South, but to put down a small class who have conspired against the people, and who are a thousand times worse enemies of the mass of the people at the South than the North.

The only pinch is our finances. Cannot you help us upon the text of the cutting within, if you find that sound? Our moneyed men continue to take their tone very much from England, and confident views of financial success coming from your side have great weight. . . .

Very truly yours,

J. M. Forbes.

SOURCE: Sarah Forbes Hughes, Letters and Recollections of John Murray Forbes, Volume 1, p. 247-50

John Jay To The English Anti-slavery Society,* 1788

Gentlemen:

Our society has been favoured with your letter of the 1st of May last, and are happy that efforts so honourable to the nation are making in your country to promote the cause of justice and humanity relative to the Africans. That they who know the value of liberty, and are blessed with the enjoyment of it, ought not to subject others to slavery, is, like most other moral precepts, more generally admitted in theory than observed in practice. This will continue to be too much the case while men are impelled to action by their passions rather than their reason, and while they are more solicitous to acquire wealth than to do as they would be done by. Hence it is that India and Africa experience unmerited oppression from nations which have been long distinguished by their attachment to their civil and religious liberties, but who have expended not much less blood and treasure in violating the rights of others than in defending their own. The United States are far from being irreproachable in this respect. It undoubtedly is very inconsistent with their declarations on the subject of human rights to permit a single slave to be found within their jurisdiction, and we confess the justice of your strictures on that head.

Permit us, however, to observe, that although consequences ought not to deter us from doing what is right, yet that it is not easy to persuade men in general to act on that magnanimous and disinterested principle. It is well known that errors, either in opinion or practice, long entertained or indulged, are difficult to eradicate, and particularly so when they have become, as it were, incorporated in the civil institutions and domestic economy of a whole people.

Prior to the great revolution, the great majority or rather the great body of our people had been so long accustomed to the practice and convenience of having slaves, that very few among them even doubted the propriety and rectitude of it. Some liberal and conscientious men had, indeed, by their conduct and writings, drawn the lawfulness of slavery into question, and they made converts to that opinion ; but the number of those converts compared with the people at large was then very inconsiderable. Their doctrines prevailed by almost insensible degrees, and was like the little lump of leaven which was put into three measures of meal: even at this day, the whole mass is far from being leavened, though we have good reason to hope and to believe that if the natural operations of truth are constantly watched and assisted, but not forced and precipitated, that end we all aim at will finally be attained in this country.

The Convention which formed and recommended the new Constitution had an arduous task to perform, especially as local interests, and in some measure local prejudices, were to be accommodated. Several of the States conceived that restraints on slavery might be too rapid to consist with their particular circumstances; and the importance of union rendered it necessary that their wishes on that head should, in some degree, be gratified.

It gives us pleasure to inform you, that a disposition favourable to our views and wishes prevails more and more, and that it has already had an influence on our laws. When it is considered how many of the legislators in the different States are proprietors of slaves, and what opinions and prejudices they have imbibed on the subject from their infancy, a sudden and total stop to this species of oppression is not to be expected.

We will cheerfully co-operate with you in endeavouring to procure advocates for the same cause in other countries, and perfectly approve and commend your establishing a correspondence in France. It appears to have produced the desired effect; for Mons. De Varville, the secretary of a society for the like benevolent purpose at Paris, is now here, and comes instructed to establish a correspondence with us, and to collect such information as may promote our common views. He delivered to our society an extract from the minutes of your proceedings, dated 8th of April last, recommending him to our attention, and upon that occasion they passed the resolutions of which the enclosed are copies.

We are much obliged by the pamphlets enclosed with your letter, and shall constantly make such communications to you as may appear to us interesting.

By a report of the committee for superintending the school we have established in this city for the education of negro children, we find that proper attention is paid to it, and that scholars are now taught in it. By the laws of this State, masters may now liberate healthy slaves of a proper age without giving security that they shall not become a parish charge; and the exportation as well as importation of them is prohibited. The State has also manumitted such as became its property by confiscation; and we have reason to expect that the maxim, that every man, of whatever colour, is to be presumed to be free until the contrary be shown, will prevail in our courts of justice. Manumissions daily become more common among us; and the treatment which slaves in general meet with in this State is very little different from that of other servants.

I have the honour to be, gentlemen,

Your humble servant,

John Jay,

President of the Society for Promoting the Manumission of Slaves.

_______________

* In 1788 a society in France, and another in England, formed for promoting the abolition of slavery, opened a correspondence with the New York society through its president. The above letter to the English society was from Jay's pen. See letter from Granville Sharp, May 1, 1788.

SOURCE: Henry P. Johnston, Editor, The Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay Volume 3: 1782-1793, p. 340-4

Later from Europe

PORTLAND, Me., Feb. 20. – The Bohemian from Liverpool 6^th, via Londonderry 7^th, arrived here this morning with one day latter news.

The Canada from Boston, arrived at Liverpool on the 5^th inst.

Both houses of Parliament had voted unanimously on an address to the queen in response to speech.

The Opposition approved the course of the Government in the Trent affair.

Lord Derby thought that the Federal Government had assented with a very bad grace to the demands of the British Government.

Lord Palmerston said the distress in the manufacturing districts of England, from the blockade of the Southern ports, would not justify the interference of the Government, and that they would continue in their neutral course.

The Bank of France has reduced its rate of discount to 4 per cent.

The product of the last cotton crop of India was pouring into Bombay.

The iron clad frigate Warrior, on her passage to Lisbon, labored badly.  Her decks and cabins were flooded, and in 9 cases out of 10, she would not mind her helm.

The Times’ city article says that the funds opened on the 6^th inst., at the decline of more than ½, but were firmer towards the close.

PARIS, [Feb.] 7. – The Moniteur of this morning says that Gen. Prime will not take supreme command of the allied forces in Mexico, but that each General will preserve the integrity of his own command.

The Federal gunboat Tuscarora left Cowes at 9 o’clock a. m. on the 6^th inst., and proceeded westward.  The Nashville had 40 hours start of her.  The engineer of the Nashville told the pilot who took her out, that it was agreed by all on board that she should never be captured.  That he had all the valves of the engines so arranged that she could be blown up in a moment, and that if the capture of the Nashville was ever heard of, a violent explosion would accompany it.

Private telegrams from China quote tea at Foo Choo as higher.  Silks were also higher. – Holders of manufactured goods held them at firm prices.

Singapore was in possession of the rebels.

(By Telegraph to Londonderry.)

Liverpool Cotton Market – Brokers’ circulars report sales of the week 28,000 bales, including 3,500 to speculators and exporters.  Market dull, with partial decline of ½.  Sales Friday 5,000 bales, including 5,000 to speculators and exporters, market closing quiet and unchanged.  On Saturday Orleans fair 14¼, do middling 12 7/8; Mobile fair 13½ do middling 12½.  Total stock in port 550,000 bales, including 205,000 American.

Breadstuffs market generally quiet and steady, except for corn, which has a downward tendency.

Consols closed at 92½@92 7/8 for money.

The weekly returns of the Bank of England shows a decrease in bullion of 334,000£.

American securities quiet and steady.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 22, 1862, p. 3

Later from Europe

PORTLAND, Feb. 20.

The Bohemian, from Liverpool 6th via Londonderry 7th, arrived here this morning, with one day later news.

The Canada, from Boston, arrived at Liverpool on the 5th inst.

Both houses of Parliament had voted unanimously an address to the Queen in response to her speech.  The opposition approved of the course of the Government in the Trent affair.

Lord Derby thought the Federal Government had assented with very bad grace to the demands of the British Government.

Lord Palmerston said the distress in the manufacturing districts in England from the blockade of the Southern ports, would not justify the interference of the Government, and that they would continue in their neutral course.

The Bank of France has reduced its rates of discount to 4 per cent.

The product of the cotton crop of India was pouring into Bombay.

The iron clad frigate, Warrior, on her passage to Lisbon, labored badly.  Her decks and cabins were flooded and in nine cases out of ten she would not mind her helm.

The London Times city article says, that the funds opened on the 6th, at a decline of more than one-eighth, but gained firmness toward the close.

PARIS, 7. – The Moniteur of this morning says, that Gen. Prim will not take supreme command of the allied forces in Mexico, but that each Gen. will preserve the integrity of his own command.

The Federal gunboat, Tuscarora, left Cowes about 9 o’clock on the morning of the 6th inst., and proceeded Westward.

The Nashville had forty hours start of her.  The engineer of the Nashville told the pilot who took her out that it was agreed by all on board, that she should never be captured; that she had all the valves of the engine arranged so that she could be blown up sky high in a moment, and that if the capture of the Nashville was ever heard of, a violent explosion would accompany it.

Private telegrams from China quote tea at Foochou as higher.  Silks were also higher.  Holders of manufactured goods held them at firm prices.

Singapore was in possession of the rebels.

Advices from Manila say that all tobacco there is to be sent to Spain.

LIVERPOOL, Feb. 7. – Breadstuffs generally quiet and steady, except for corn, which has a downward tendency.  Consols closed at 92 1-4 a 92 7-8.  The weekly returns of the Bank of England show a decrease in the bullion of £334,000.  American securities quiet and stead.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Friday Morning, February 21, 1862, p. 1