ASHEBORO, March 16th,
1861.
* * * * * * * * * *
In your letter of the 8th inst., I was taken a little by
surprise. But I now fear to begin to believe that revolution can't be stayed,
and if I consulted the dictates of prudence, would, to some extent, yield to
the current. I was surprised because the evidence has seemed to me abundant
since the vote of La, and N. C. and the adjournment of Congress, the report of
the peace convention, and the inaugural, that revolution was arrested. The
votes of La. and N. C. raised a wall between the madness of the South and the
uncertain turbulence of Va. which neither could pass. The plan of the peace
Congress, when duly considered, will be approved by an increased majority both
North and South. It is better for all sections and for the whole country than
the Crittenden plan, that is, as to the main question—territory; no more
territory would be likely to be acquired at all, and if acquired, the slavery
question would be settled simultaneously. Congress having adjourned without
passing the force bill and without supplying the executive with men or money to
wage war, or even to reinforce Fort Sumter, the Prest., as commander-in-chief
of the army, would be compelled in a military point of view, and not in
a recognition of the right of Secession, to evacuate Ft. Sumter. Lincoln's
inaugural breathes peace to any candid mind. Since the final act of Congress,
the President's inaugural and the vote of N. C. against convention reached me,
I have considered the Revolution arrested. Reaction must soon follow in the
United States. I do not know whether the Prest. has ordered the evacuation of
Ft. Sumter, but I presume he has because Congress did not furnish him the means
of maintaining the occupation, in which I think Congress acted wisely. As to
any other fort, still in the occupation of the national troops, which the
Prest. can defend with the means at his command, he would make himself
contemptible in the estimation of the world if he should voluntarily surrender
them. IIe is bound by his oath to protect the public property and execute the
laws so far as the legislative power will furnish him the means. I fear you
caught a slight singe of gloom from our quondam friend Geo. Davis.1
I know not how you regard him. You ought not to regard him any longer as a
Whig. You have heard Vance's anecdote as to the pet lamb Billy. Say to Davis
personally, “Billy.” He has gone over, whatever he may think or say, to
Democracy and red Republicanism. Democracy has fought for months with the rope
around its neck. Its votaries should now have their coffins made and say their
prayers.
Twiggs ought not to be shot. He ought to be hanged and his
name for all time to be written in connection and immediately after Benedict
Arnold. I am garrulous and will quit.
_______________
* Probably B. G. Worth.
* George Davis, a prominent member of the Wilmington bar,
had become a secessionist after the Peace Conference. As a member of the Whig
party this change greatly incensed many of the party. He was later Confederate
Senator and Attorney General in the Confederate Cabinet.
SOURCE: J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton, Editor, The Correspondence of
Jonathan Worth, Volume 1, p. 133-5
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