Showing posts with label David Twiggs. Show all posts
Showing posts with label David Twiggs. Show all posts

Wednesday, January 6, 2021

Major-General Braxton Bragg to Jefferson Davis, February 25, 1861

NEW ORLEANS, February 25, 1861.
His Excellency JEFF. DAVIS:

We have reliable information that the United States troops from Texas are to pass through this city. Shall they be allowed to land? A large number of the officers and men can probably be secured for your service. Please advise me on the subject. General Twiggs was ordered to turn over the command to Colonel Waite, a Northern man, but preferred surrendering to Texas.

BRAXTON BRAGG,    
Major-General, Commanding.

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 1 (Serial No. 1), p. 608; Don Carlos Seitz, Braxton Bragg, General of the Confederacy, p. 30

Thursday, November 26, 2020

Major-General Braxton Bragg to Jefferson Davis, February 25, 1861

NEW ORLEANS, February 25, 1861.
His Excellency JEFF. DAVIS:

We have reliable information that the United States troops from Texas are to pass through this city. Shall they be allowed to land? A large number of the officers and men can probably be secured for your service. Please advise me on the subject. General Twiggs was ordered to turn over the command to Colonel Waite, a Northern man, but preferred surrendering to Texas.

 

BRAXTON BRAGG,    
Major-General, Commanding.

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 1 (Serial No. 1), p. 608; Don Carlos Seitz, Braxton Bragg, General of the Confederacy, p. 30

Friday, October 2, 2020

Jonathan Worth to his Brother,* March 16, 1861

ASHEBORO, March 16th, 1861.

*          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *

In your letter of the 8th inst., I was taken a little by surprise. But I now fear to begin to believe that revolution can't be stayed, and if I consulted the dictates of prudence, would, to some extent, yield to the current. I was surprised because the evidence has seemed to me abundant since the vote of La, and N. C. and the adjournment of Congress, the report of the peace convention, and the inaugural, that revolution was arrested. The votes of La. and N. C. raised a wall between the madness of the South and the uncertain turbulence of Va. which neither could pass. The plan of the peace Congress, when duly considered, will be approved by an increased majority both North and South. It is better for all sections and for the whole country than the Crittenden plan, that is, as to the main question—territory; no more territory would be likely to be acquired at all, and if acquired, the slavery question would be settled simultaneously. Congress having adjourned without passing the force bill and without supplying the executive with men or money to wage war, or even to reinforce Fort Sumter, the Prest., as commander-in-chief of the army, would be compelled in a military point of view, and not in a recognition of the right of Secession, to evacuate Ft. Sumter. Lincoln's inaugural breathes peace to any candid mind. Since the final act of Congress, the President's inaugural and the vote of N. C. against convention reached me, I have considered the Revolution arrested. Reaction must soon follow in the United States. I do not know whether the Prest. has ordered the evacuation of Ft. Sumter, but I presume he has because Congress did not furnish him the means of maintaining the occupation, in which I think Congress acted wisely. As to any other fort, still in the occupation of the national troops, which the Prest. can defend with the means at his command, he would make himself contemptible in the estimation of the world if he should voluntarily surrender them. IIe is bound by his oath to protect the public property and execute the laws so far as the legislative power will furnish him the means. I fear you caught a slight singe of gloom from our quondam friend Geo. Davis.1 I know not how you regard him. You ought not to regard him any longer as a Whig. You have heard Vance's anecdote as to the pet lamb Billy. Say to Davis personally, “Billy.” He has gone over, whatever he may think or say, to Democracy and red Republicanism. Democracy has fought for months with the rope around its neck. Its votaries should now have their coffins made and say their prayers.

Twiggs ought not to be shot. He ought to be hanged and his name for all time to be written in connection and immediately after Benedict Arnold. I am garrulous and will quit.
_______________

* Probably B. G. Worth.

* George Davis, a prominent member of the Wilmington bar, had become a secessionist after the Peace Conference. As a member of the Whig party this change greatly incensed many of the party. He was later Confederate Senator and Attorney General in the Confederate Cabinet.

SOURCE: J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton, Editor, The Correspondence of Jonathan Worth, Volume 1, p. 133-5

Thursday, July 2, 2015

Edwin M. Stanton to Major-General John A. Dix, April 8, 1861

Washington, April 8,1861.

Dear Sir, — I am as much in the dark as yourself in regard to the actions and designs of the present administration.

This city has been in a great state of excitement about the military and naval movements of the last few days, and no one but the officers of government know their purpose. In this respect they have a great advantage over the last administration, because the Secessionists have now no representative in the Cabinet or kitchen. I saw Mr. Holt last evening, and he is also ignorant of the object of the active preparations going on. He made, however, this suggestion, that the Confederate Government refuses to allow a simple evacuation of Fort Sumter, but requires an ignominious surrender. That the administration will fight before submitting to such a condition. If this be the reason, I am with the administration on that point. And although Mr. Holt says he knows nothing about it, the shrewdness of the guess leads me to think he has received some information. So far as Chase is concerned, I do not think there has been anything unfair or concealed in his action. The loan turned oat better than I expected, and had I been Secretary, I would have taken the whole eight millions on the terms offered, rather than risk the chances of the times. I have no doubt there has been a settled purpose to evacuate Sumter, and that the delay has arisen from the terms required by the Confederates. The country would stand war, rather than see Anderson a captive, or required to haul down his flag. The administration will also hold on to Pickens, and aid Houston in Texas.

I do not think peaceful relations will continue much longer; nor do I think hostilities will be so great an evil as many apprehend. A round or two often serves to restore harmony; and the vast consumption required by a state of hostilities will enrich rather than impoverish the North.

The best joke I have known lately is a note from Twiggs to Holt in respect to the epithets contained in his order of dismissal. Twiggs don't like them. How would he relish the original order? I have not heard from Wheatland since you were here. Mrs. Stanton and your juvenile friend are well. Mrs. S. and L. shall visit New York in a few weeks, unless Ben McCullough should capture us before long.

The herds of office-seekers still throng the city.

With sincere regards, I remain, yours truly,
Edwin M. Stanton.
Hon. John A. Dix.

SOURCE: Morgan Dix, Memoirs of John Adams Dix, Volume 2, p. 4-5

Sunday, April 19, 2015

Diary of William Howard Russell: April 4, 1861

I had a long interview with Mr. Seward today at the State Department. He set forth at great length the helpless condition in which the President and the Cabinet found themselves when they began the conduct of public affairs at Washington. The last cabinet had tampered with treason, and had contained traitors; a miserable imbecility had encouraged the leaders of the South to mature their plans, and had furnished them with the means of carrying out their design. One Minister had purposely sent away the navy of the United States to distant and scattered stations; another had purposely placed the arms, ordnance, and munitions of war in undue proportions in the Southern States, and had weakened the Federal Government so that they might easily fall into the hands of the traitors and enable them to secure the war materiel of the Union; a Minister had stolen the public funds for traitorous purposes — in every port, in every department of the State, at home and abroad, on sea and by land, men were placed who were engaged in this deep conspiracy — and when the voice of the people declared Mr. Lincoln President of the United States, they set to work as one man to destroy the Union under the most flimsy pretexts. The President's duty was clearly defined by the Constitution. He had to guard what he had, and to regain, if possible, what he had lost. He would not consent to any dismemberment of the Union nor to the abandonment of one iota of Federal property— nor could he do so if he desired.

These and many more topics were presented to me to show that the Cabinet was not accountable for the temporizing policy of inaction, which was forced upon them by circumstances, and that they would deal vigorously with the Secession movement — as vigorously as Jackson did with nullification in South Carolina, if they had the means. But what could they do when such a man as Twiggs surrendered his trust and sacrificed the troops to a crowd of Texans; or when naval and military officers resigned en masse, that they might accept service in the rebel forces? All this excitement would come right in a very short time — it was a brief madness, which would pass away when the people had opportunity for reflection. Meantime the danger was that foreign powers would be led to imagine the Federal Government was too weak to defend its rights, and that the attempt to destroy the Union and to set up a Southern Confederacy was successful. In other words, again, Mr. Seward fears that, in this transition state between their forced inaction and the coup by which they intend to strike down Secession, Great Britain may recognize the Government established at Montgomery, and is ready, if needs be, to threaten Great Britain with war as the consequence of such recognition. But he certainly assumed the existence of strong Union sentiments in many of the seceded States, as a basis for his remarks, and admitted that it would not become the spirit of the American Government, or of the Federal system, to use armed force in subjugating the Southern States against the will of the majority of the people. Therefore if the majority desire Secession, Mr. Seward would let them have it — but he cannot believe in anything so monstrous, for to him the Federal Government and Constitution, as interpreted by his party, are divine, heaven-born. He is fond of repeating that the Federal Government never yet sacrificed any man's life on account of his political opinions; but if this struggle goes on, it will sacrifice thousands — tens of thousands, to the idea of a Federal Union. “Any attempt against us,” he said, “would revolt the good men of the South, and arm all men in the North to defend their Government.”

But I had seen that day an assemblage of men doing a goose-step march forth dressed in blue tunics and gray trousers, shakoes and cross-belts, armed with musket and bayonet, cheering and hurrahing in the square before the War Department, who were, I am told, the District of Columbia volunteers and militia. They had indeed been visible in various forms parading, marching, and trumpeting about the town with a poor imitation of French pas and élan, but they did not, to the eye of a soldier, give any appearance of military efficiency, or to the eye of the anxious statesman any indication of the animus pugnandi. Starved, washed-out creatures most of them, interpolated with Irish and flat-footed, stumpy Germans. It was matter for wonderment that the Foreign Minister of a nation which was in such imminent danger in its very capital, and which, with its chief and his cabinet, was almost at the mercy of the enemy, should hold the language I was aware he had transmitted to the most powerful nations of Europe. Was it consciousness of the strength of a great people, who would be united by the first apprehension of foreign interference, or was it the peculiar emptiness of a bombast which is called Buncombe? In all sincerity I think Mr. Seward meant it as it was written.

When I arrived at the hotel, I found our young artist waiting for me, to entreat I would permit him to accompany me to the South. I had been annoyed by a paragraph which had appeared in several papers, to the effect that “The talented young artist, our gifted countryman, Mr. Deodore F. Moses, was about to accompany Mr. &c. &c, in his tour through the South.” I had informed the young gentleman that I could not sanction such an announcement, whereupon he assured me he had not in any way authorized it, but having mentioned incidentally to a person connected with the press that he was going to travel southwards with me, the injudicious zeal of his friend had led him to think he would do a service to the youth by making the most of the very trifling circumstance.

I dined with Senator Douglas, where there was a large party, among whom were Mr. Chase, Secretary of the Treasury; Mr. Smith, Secretary of the Interior; Mr. Forsyth, Southern Commissioner; and several members of the Senate and Congress. Mrs. Douglas did the honors of her house with grace and charming good-nature. I observe a great tendency to abstract speculation and theorizing among Americans, and their after-dinner conversation is apt to become didactic and sententious. Few men speak better than Senator Douglas; his words are well chosen, the flow of his ideas even and constant, his intellect vigorous, and thoughts well cut, precise, and vigorous — he seems a man of great ambition, and he told me he is engaged in preparing a sort of Zollverein scheme for the North American continent, including Canada, which will fix public attention everywhere, and may lead to a settlement of the Northern and Southern controversies. For his mind, as for that of many Americans, the aristocratic idea embodied in Russia is very seductive; and he dwelt with pleasure on the courtesies he had received at the court of the Czar, implying that he had been treated differently in England, and perhaps France. And yet, had Mr. Douglas become President of the United States, his good-will towards Great Britain might have been invaluable, and surely it had been cheaply purchased by a little civility and attention to a distinguished citizen and statesman of the Republic. Our Galleos very often care for none of these things.

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, p. 60-3

Wednesday, July 8, 2009

COL. GEORGE BURTON

Postmaster of Argonia, is what may be termed "a gentleman to the manor born," possessed of more than ordinary intelligence and that courteous bearing which wins for him friends wherever he goes. He comes of substantial Irish ancestry, and was born March 7, 1819, in the city of Dublin, where he spent the first thirteen years of his life. Then, equipped with only a limited education, he started out in the world for himself, embarking as cabin boy on an ocean vessel and from that time until 1842 his life was spent on the water — the sea and lakes. The next four years were occupied at various businesses and in 1846 he entered the volunteer service of the United States during the war with Mexico, being a member of Company G, Fourth Illinois Infantry, under Col. Ed. Baker. He served for one year and returned a Third Sergeant. He and ex-Gov. Richard Oglesby, who was then a Sergeant in Company K, frequently reported together. He served under Gen. Taylor until a part of the army was ordered to join Gen. Scott, and he participated in the battles of Vera Cruz, Natural Bridge, Cerro Gordo and other minor engagements. Later he was under the command of Gen. Shields and under Division Commander, Gen. Twiggs.

Upon retiring from the service Mr. Burton repaired to Tazewell County, Ill., where he operated a sawmill until 1849. Being seized then with an attack of the California gold fever, he set out overland across the plains and worked in the mines until the fall of 1850. In returning home he went down the coast as far as Cape St. Lucas, where the vessel "Louisa Boston" was sunk in the harbor of Mazatlan, and he rode a mule from there to Durango, and finally succeeded in reaching home safely after being chased in Mexico by the Apache Indians. He now resumed sawmilliug and was engaged in the mercantile business for probably two years. He in 1852, crossing the Mississippi, took up his abode in Decatur County, Iowa, where he operated as a general merchant three years and also engaged in farming. He became prominent in local affairs and was County Auditor for three years until the outbreak of the Civil War.

Watching the conflict which ensued with more than ordinary interest, Col. Burton in June, 1861, organized a military company in Leon, Iowa, of which he was elected Captain and which was assigned to the Fourth Iowa Infantry, under command of Col. Dodge. He fought at the battle of Pea Ridge, skirmishing all through Arkansas, was in the fight at Chickasaw Bayou, and then at Arkansas Post, Lookout Mountain, Mission Ridge, Ringgold, Ga., and Woodville, Ala. On the 2d of May, 1862, he was commissioned Lieutenant-Colonel of the Fourth Iowa Infantry. At the battle of Pea Ridge he was wounded by a canister shot through the left arm, and at Cherokee Station received a sabre cut in the left hand. He resigned his commission April 10,1864, and returning to Iowa resumed the duties of a private citizen.

Col. Burton became well-known in the Hawkeye State and in 1869 was elected Auditor of Decatur County, which office he held three years. Later, for the same length of time he engaged in the livestock business, purchasing cattle in Indian Territory, and selling them in Iowa. In 1875 he settled on a farm near Mayfield, this county, where he sojourned until 1883, coming that year to Argonia and engaging in the mercantile business. He also began speculating considerably. On the 2d of April, 1888, he was appointed to the office of Postmaster, the duties of which have since occupied his time and attention until February 1, 1890.

In 1848, Col. Burton was united in marriage with Miss Jane Waring, who died in 1863, leaving no children. In 1865, the Colonel contracted a second marriage with Miss Martha S. Walton. This lady was born in Ohio and is the daughter of George and Martha Walton who spent their last days in Iowa. Of this union there were no children. Mrs. Burton was a very excellent lady and a member in good standing of the Methodist Episcopal Church. The Colonel takes an interest in politics, voting the straight Democratic ticket. He is Past Grand in the I. O. O. F., belongs to the Encampment, is a Knight of Pythias and a member of the Chapter in Masonry.

The father of our subject was John Burton, a native of Dublin, Ireland, and a manufacturer of cotton cloth. The mother bore the maiden name of Martha Whitehead and she also was born in Dublin. They came to America in 1833, settling in Cleveland, Ohio, and about 1842. removed to Bloomington, Ill. There the mother died in 1835 and the father in 1848. Only two of the five children born to them are living — G. B. and Eliza, now Mrs. Burnes, the latter being a resident of Leroy, McLean County, Ill.

Portrait and Biographical Album of Sumner County, Kansas, Chapman Brothers, Chicago, Ill., 1890, p. 177-8