Robert P. Letcher to Senator John J. Crittenden, May 6, 1850

MEXICO, May 6, 1850.

DEAR CRITTENDEN,—Ah, my dear governor! not quite so fast. You have pulled trigger a little too quick. There is no discrepancy between my speech and my letters. What a man says in his official capacity is one thing, and what he has a right to say in his private capacity is quite another thing, it's all “as straight as a gun-barrel.” I spoke for the United States, and am in no way responsible for what I said as an advocate; mind, I appeared as counsel. I reserve my defense till my return. If Clayton is a tender-hearted man, he will give me leave to return in October. I could not go now if I had leave, because of the crowd of business,—because, also, of the vomito. I am surprised, disappointed, and mortified exceedingly to hear that you are all taking the rounds, eating and drinking just as merrily and as happily as if I were with you. It is too bad, really. Had the good ship Walker been cast away, sure enough I don't believe it would have made a single swallow less, particularly of the liquids, among the whole squad of you. What a prolific topic of reflection does this furnish to one of my tender sensibilities, whose vanity had prompted him to suppose his absence would make a vacuum in the social circle that time itself would hardly ever fill up! Nobody died of a broken heart, nobody shed a tear, nobody lost a meal, or even a drink,—in fact, increased their drinks when it was fully believed I was food for the sharks in the Gulf of Mexico; and if this had been so, by this time the whole matter would have been utterly forgotten. Well, all I can say is, my friends can stand trouble and loss better than any other man's friends living. A noble set of fellows they are! I am as bad off as Orlando Brown was in Washington, when he took it into his head that the Frankfort people were glad he had left, and asked me to tell him candidly how it was. I told him he was right, and the only fear was that he might possibly come home. I am not altogether happy in my mind, but I don't wish my rascally friends to know that, they might think it was on that account,—not a bit of it! My depression is owing to the deep interest I feel for my country. Write to me often, write me the longest sort of letters. The Prussian minister just called to take a last farewell. A noble fellow he is! It was quite a tender scene. I shall miss that man more than any human being in this city. I have had one of Bob's and Harry's hams boiled, and I eat it twice a day,—no eating three times a day in this country. Bankhead and his wife are here; they are more broken down than any couple I know. I am distressed to look at them.

Your friend,

R. P. LETCHER.

Hon. J. J. CRITTENDEN.

SOURCE: Ann Mary Butler Crittenden Coleman, Editor, The Life of John J. Crittenden: With Selections from His Correspondence and Speeches, Vol. 1, p. 370

Senator John J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown, May 18, 1850

 FRANKFORT, May 18, 1850.

MY DEAR SIR,—Your letter of the 9th inst. was duly received, and, by the telegraph, we already know that all you taught me to expect has come to pass. The Republic has changed hands, and Mr. Hall has succeeded the former editors. It is to be greatly regretted that there should be any motive or cause for such a movement. Not that Mr. Hall is not very competent and worthy, but the regret is that there should have been any disagreement between the retiring editors and the administration. I had hoped that Burnley's mediation might have reconciled all differences, and that our friend Bullitt's known attachment to the President would have made him forego all his objections to the cabinet. The extent of his objections I do not know, nor do I mean to blame him, for I am very certain that he has acted from honest convictions and motives. But I must say, at the same time, that for myself I am not sensible of any objections that require such an opposition to the cabinet. Indeed, I doubt very much whether General Taylor could select another cabinet of more ability, or character, or personal worth. But I do not mean to make comments on the subject. The storm that has just passed by will be followed, I hope, by that calm that usually compensates for its ravages; and I trust that we shall yet see the administration emerging successfully from the difficulties that now surround it.

I shall be delighted to see you at home, but this is overcome by the absolute sadness I feel at your quitting old Zack at such a time, when, perhaps, he most requires the comfort and assistance of your society and counsel. I received Robert's letter yesterday. You may tell him so, and his children and all are well. I have not another word to say about his affairs and solicitations at Washington. Under a first impulse I said and wrote much more than I ought. Hereafter he can only have my good wishes, and must depend on himself. I must not be mixed up with any office-seeking for my own family.

I have written to our friend Mr. Richard Hawes, apprising him of your views and wishes, and inquiring whether he would be willing, in the event of your resignation, to accept your present office. I have not yet received his answer, but I anticipate, from many conversations with him, that he will not accept it. If he will, he is the very man, and the man of my choice. Without much acquaintance with Mr. Alexander McKee, I had formed a kind opinion of him, and supposed, from information, that he was very much a man of business. In a conversation last winter, I mentioned that it was not expected by your friends that you would continue long in office, and suggested to him the vacancy as one that would very well suit him. But little more was then said on the subject, and nothing since has passed between us about it. I am told that he went through the place a few days ago, on his way to the East, but he did not call on me, and I know not his object. I have heard that his thoughts have been turned of late towards California, and an office at Washington may not now be desirable to him; and in the present uncertainty I have no more to say about it. He is not apprised of what I lately wrote to you in his behalf.

I wish that before you leave Washington you would especially take it upon yourself to have something clever done for our friend, Mr. George W. Barbour, a senator in our General Assembly from the Princeton district. You recollect him, I hope. He is a fine-looking, high-spirited, and noble-hearted fellow, a lawyer by profession, and of fair capacity. He is poor, and too modest and proud to seek for office, though he wants it. He is an ardent and thorough Taylor-man. Now, what can be done for such a man? I have undertaken to be his intercessor, and have written in his behalf time and again to Clayton, and perhaps to others, but, so far, have not got even any answer relating to him. A chargé-ship to anywhere in South America would be very acceptable to him; so would a judgeship in any of our territorial governments, or the office of secretary in those governments. Now, this is a wide range; there are many offices in it, and mighty few such clever fellows anywhere as Barbour. The place that that fellow Meeker was slipped into, and ought to be slipped out of, would suit poor Barbour exactly, and he is worthy of it. I have told Barbour that he must be patient, and that I was certain something would, sooner or later, be done for him. It begins to be the "later," and nothing is yet done. The last alternative is to try and get you to make up this business and do something in it.

Your friend,

J. J. CRITTENDEN.

O. BROWN, Esq.

P.S.—I can do nothing more with Clayton in Barbour's case but quarrel with him, and that I don't want to do,—first, because he is a stout fellow and might whip me; secondly, I like the fellow.

J. J. C.

SOURCE: Ann Mary Butler Crittenden Coleman, Editor, The Life of John J. Crittenden: With Selections from His Correspondence and Speeches, Vol. 1, p. 371-2

Senator John J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown, June 7, 1850

FRANKFORT, June 7, 1850.

DEAR ORLANDO,—I returned last Sunday from Indianapolis after a week's absence. Nothing could exceed the kindness and hospitality which attended me throughout the State. The receptions and honors with which they endeavored to distinguish me were almost overwhelming to one so plain as I am and so unaccustomed to such ceremonies and distinctions. I feel that I owe to Indiana and her governor a great debt of gratitude. In that State there is very little political abolition, and, with a strong and patriotic feeling for the Union, there is mingled a particularly fraternal kindness and affection for Kentucky. The prevailing sentiment there is for a compromise and amicable settlement of all the slavery question. The plan suggested in General Taylor's message was spoken of frequently as most acceptable, but I think they would be satisfied with Mr. Clay's bill. In my speech at Indianapolis I spoke of old Zack as the noble old patriot in whom the country might have all confidence, and, without discriminating between the various plans that had been proposed, I expressed my hope and confidence that they would result in some form of amicable adjustment. The occasion required me to avoid, as far as possible, the appearance of partisanship or party politics; but it was due to my heart to give old Zack a good word, and I did it. I felt it a duty, too, to talk right plainly to them about abolition and the mischiefs that its meddlesome and false humanity had brought and was tending to bring upon the country. I went so far as to advise those who, from tenderness of conscience about slavery, could not acquiesce in what our fathers had done, and could not reconcile themselves to the Constitution of the United States and the performance of the duties it enjoined, to quit the country, etc. All this seemed to be well received except, as I learned afterwards, by some half-dozen abolitionists out of a crowd of as many thousand. The convention is in session, and I have scarcely time to steal a moment to write to you.

Well, you have resigned. It makes me glad, and it makes me sorry; glad that you are coming back to us,—sorry, that you are leaving General Taylor. The difficulties that are surrounding him only tend to increase my sympathy and zeal for him, and I retain my confidence that the storm will rage around him in vain, and that his firm and resolute integrity and patriotism will bear him through triumphantly. There is one peril before him that is to be carefully avoided, and that is the peril of having thrown upon his administration the responsibility of defeating the bill of the committee of thirteen or any other measure of compromise. It has appeared to me that the principal questions of the slavery controversy might have been disposed of more quietly and easily on the plan recommended by the President; but the people are anxious for a settlement, and comparatively indifferent as to the exact terms, provided they embrace anything like a compromise; and it seems to me that any concession or sacrifice of opinion as to the mode ought to be made to accomplish the end. It is not necessary to enlarge upon this subject. General Taylor's message is the foundation of all their plans in this, that it avoids the Wilmot proviso; all the rest is the mere finish of the work. My whole heart is bent on the success of General Taylor. I know that he deserves it, and believe he will achieve it. Tell Robert his little girls are gay as birds, and are continually dragging me into the garden to pull strawberries with them. I have taken poor Bob's disappointment quite to heart; but let that go.

Your friend,

J. J. CRITTENDEN.

SOURCE: Ann Mary Butler Crittenden Coleman, Editor, The Life of John J. Crittenden: With Selections from His Correspondence and Speeches, Vol. 1, p. 372-4

Senator John J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown, January 14, 1850

FRANKFORT, January 14, 1850.

DEAR ORLANDO,—It has been so long since I received a letter from, or written one to, you that I hardly know where or how to recommence our correspondence. I suppose I must, as the lawyers say, begin de novo.

I have read about two columns of your official report about your red brethren, and expect to read the residue at the first leisure moment. I congratulate you on the many compliments it has received from the public, and I now especially congratulate you on your deserving all those compliments.

Old Zack's message is characteristic. It is marked with a noble resolution and simplicity that must commend it to every sound head and heart in the nation, and its whole matter and manner make it a model and monument.

The reports of the Hon. Secretaries are excellent, and such as ought to bring honor and strength to the administration.

I must say, however, that I differ from our friend the Secretary of War on two points of his report—namely, the mode of increasing the army, and the exclusive employment of the topographical corps in superintending all the works of improvement for which Congress may make appropriations.

As to the first, I should have preferred the raising of new regiments to any extent that increase of the army was necessary, thereby preserving the old policy of keeping our little army in such a form as to admit of great expansion in time of need under its old and experienced officers. The officers of our army may be considered as reduced in force and number by all those who are now, and who must be, stationed anywhere on the coast of the Pacific, for they are so remote as to be incapable of any co-operation with our forces on the Atlantic. I think, therefore, that the old policy ought to have been adhered to. And with me, it would have been a recommendation of this course that it would have afforded the President the opportunity of giving military appointments to some of the gallant fellows among our volunteers and temporary troops who distinguished themselves in the Mexican war.

My objection on the other point seems to me to be still stronger. Why give to the "topographical corps" by law the exclusive or any exclusive direction and superintendency of the public works of improvement?

Why not leave the President and his cabinet to make, according to their discretion, selections of proper superintendents? The administration must at last be responsible for the due execution of the works, and it seems to me that the choice of the agents to be employed is a part of their proper duty and patronage, and ought not to be surrendered. I see no propriety requiring such self-denying ordinances. Some of those works would require the science of the topographical corps, and then the President would employ them as a matter of course. But in other works, such as clearing out our rivers, this science would not be necessary, and the President should be left free to choose competent employés among his friends who did not already enjoy the benefit of public office.

I am opposed to this monopoly of the topographical_corps for reasons public and private, general and particular. Such a monopoly would confer the means of great political influence, and opportunities for exercising it. How far officers of that corps might be disposed to use that influence I do not know.

But should any of them be disposed to use it, the greater probability is that it would be used against the administration, as probably every officer of that corps has received his commission from its political opponents. I by no means intend any disparagement of that corps, but am arguing only from general and natural causes. Now, though I do not desire to see any of the President's appointees playing the part of partisans, or appointed for any such purpose, I would not, on the other hand, have him and Mr. Crawford voluntarily surrendering the power of appointing their friends, and voluntarily exposing themselves to the inimical influences of those who may be their enemies. I say, therefore, that I do not see the justice or policy of giving to the topographical corps, in this instance, the exclusive legal preference which the secretary's report seems to concede them. I am not very conversant about such matters, and may not understand correctly the extent and import of that report, but, as I do understand it, it would exclude our friend Russell, and cut him off from any competition for the superintendency he formerly had over our river improvements. Pray let me know if that would be its effect, and if so, intercede with our friend Crawford, and tell him that Russell understands the navigation of our rivers better, and knows better how to improve it, and especially how to remove snags, than all his topographical corps together; and furthermore, that all they could do would be criticised and complained of, while all that he would do, even though not quite so well done, would, from a fellow-feeling, be praised by his fellow-boatmen. Attend to this matter, and do all that is possible to secure Russell in his expectations and hopes of being restored to his old office and employment.

Our legislature, as you know, is now in session, with nothing very interesting as yet before them, unless it be the various resolutions that are occasionally exploded concerning you Washington people and Federal affairs, disunion, slavery, etc. All these will no doubt be eventually reduced to the standard of a sound discretion and a sound patriotism. There is evidently among the members of the legislature a good deal of dissatisfaction with the late convention and the constitution they have proposed to the people. Yet it remains doubtful whether any serious opposition will be made to its adoption. I am led to believe that it would not be difficult to raise an opposition that would be very formidable, if not fatal, to the new constitution.

Our little town is very quiet, and stands just where it did and as it did when you left us. It is at this time covered with one of the deepest snows I have seen for a long time. It has been snowing for about eighteen hours. Letcher, you know, has left us, and has left a sort of darkness behind him, which we cannot entirely dissipate.

I see that my old friend Cass is threatening him in the Senate, and rebuking the love of office. That is well. The old gentleman, as is very natural, having been surfeited with office, wonders that anybody can have any appetite for it. I hope there can be no danger of Letcher's rejection.

The two most important events of the last month were fights between David Humphreys and Philip Swigert and between Cates and Hodges; pretty well matched in both cases, and no damage done. Both, indeed, have resulted fortunately; the first led to a prompt settlement of an old quarrel, the compromise of an old lawsuit, and the reconciliation of the parties; in the other, the affair has been so far arranged that the parties when they meet are to meet as friends, and peace is established again throughout our borders.

And now, unless this long letter should be considered as a grievance and drive you into a dissolution of our Union, I shall expect a very long answer, for you can tell a great deal that I want to hear.

How do you and old Zack get along together, and how does the old general bear himself amidst the storm of opposition in Congress? Who have you become acquainted with among the members of Congress? Are Toombs and Stephens among the number? How comes on the cabinet generally and in the particular, etc.?

But first in order and above all these mere public concerns, how is your household? Do you intermeddle much in politics? How is Burnley, who has not written to me since we parted?

Your friend,

J. J. CRITTENDEN.

ORLANDO BROWN, Esq.

SOURCE: Ann Mary Butler Crittenden Coleman, Editor, The Life of John J. Crittenden: With Selections from His Correspondence and Speeches, Vol. 1, p. 352-5 

Senator John J. Crittenden to Governor Thomas Metcalf, March 25, 1850

FRANKFORT, March 25, 1850.

MY DEAR SIR,—I have received and perused with great concern your letter of yesterday, and hasten to relieve your feelings and my own as far as I can by an immediate reply. You do me but justice in supposing me incapable of betraying or deceiving so old a friend as yourself. I am, indeed, incapable of deceiving any man intentionally, and my nature would revolt from the betrayal of one whose friendship I have valued and cherished so long as I have yours. For our friend Orlando Brown I would answer as for myself. It was during the last fall that, at your written request, I addressed a letter to the Secretary of War recommending your grandson, young Campbell, for appointment as one of the cadets at West Point. You were anxious for his appointment, and I felt a sincere pleasure in contributing all I could to your gratification. I accordingly recommended him zealously, and urged his appointment not only on account of his own qualifications but on account of his hereditary claims and the great consideration that was due to you, your wishes, and your public services. A prompt acknowledgment of that letter was received from the War Department, which I made known to you. I do not remember whether, when I wrote that letter, I was apprised that there was or was about to be a vacancy for a cadet from your district; nor do I recollect whether I recommended your grandson in general terms as a person that ought to be appointed, or specifically for a district appointment or one of the presidential appointments. In all this I was no doubt guided by your letter requesting my recommendation. I will write immediately for a copy of my letter, and will send it to you that you may see how earnestly I recommended your grandson. Some time after all this a friend stepped into my office (then generally thronged) and requested me to write a recommendation of a young Mr. Lashbrook for a cadet appointment. Upon his representation I did so, and without the least thought or apprehension that he and your grandson were seeking the same place or that there was any competition between them. Had such a thought ever crossed my mind, I should never have recommended young Lashbrook. No consideration would have induced me knowingly to recommend any one in opposition to your grandson; besides, I had no motive to do so disreputable a thing. I had no personal knowledge of young Lashbrook and was under no special obligation to his father. My letter in his son's behalf passed at once from my mind, and would probably never again have been remembered but for your late letter and the untoward circumstances that now recall it to my recollection.

The whole case, I suppose, is this: I have inadvertently given a letter in favor of young Lashbrook and produced an effect that I never contemplated. It is as though I had shot an arrow which, missing the mark it was aimed at, wounded a friend, an old and valued friend. I regret it most deeply; nor can that regret be altogether removed by my confidence that you will not attribute what has happened to any design or ill intention on my part. There will still remain the regret of having fallen into a blunder. I am not willing to make the painful addition to that regret of supposing that my letter in favor of Lashbrook was the cause of his being preferred to your grandson, for there was also my more earnest letter in favor of your grandson. But I will say no more on this most unpleasant subject, and can but hope that my explanation will be satisfactory to you. It will gratify me to receive a line from you as soon as your convenience will permit,—my feelings are much disturbed by this matter.

Your friend, etc.,

J. J. CRITTENDEN.

Governor THOMAS METCALF.

SOURCE: Ann Mary Butler Crittenden Coleman, Editor, The Life of John J. Crittenden: With Selections from His Correspondence and Speeches, Vol. 1, p. 359-60

Senator John J. Crittenden to Albert T. Burnley, April 29, 1850

FRANKFORT, April 29, 1850.

DEAR BURNLEY,—I reached home last night, and found a letter from our friend Orlando Brown, which explains somewhat the causes for which you have been called back to Washington. I trust that you will be able to reconcile all differences and difficulties, and give a right direction to things. It is important to the country, to the administration, and to the interests of the friends that are engaged in the Republic, to whom I am greatly attached.

From what I understand, it is a settled matter that the cabinet is to remain unchanged, and I think you will agree that but little good could be expected from any imaginable new cabinet that could be formed in the midst of the present tumult and discord in the political world, increased by the disruption of the present cabinet. What remains, then, for those who, though dissatisfied with the cabinet, are the friends of General Taylor and his cause, but to yield up that dissatisfaction, and for the sake of old Zack and his cause to go thoroughly to the work in their support? I would not have a gentleman for any consideration to concede his honor or his independence; but still, in public life, where the opinions and feelings of many must be consulted and conciliated, there is a necessity for many concessions. It is a false and unwise pride that would refuse these concessions where they relate to mere questions of expediency or opinion, and are necessary to that union and harmony without which nothing good or great can be accomplished in public affairs. Your own good sense and your generous feelings of attachment to General Taylor would have suggested to you all that I have or could say on this subject, and it is only out of my great solicitude that there should be no break between the President and the Republic that I have written at all. I trust you will do all you can to prevent any such break. I shall feel great impatience and anxiety till I hear from you.

Your friend,

J. J. CRITTENDEN.

SOURCE: Ann Mary Butler Crittenden Coleman, Editor, The Life of John J. Crittenden: With Selections from His Correspondence and Speeches, Vol. 1, p. 366-7

Senator John J. Crittenden to Orlando Brown, April 30, 1850

FRANKFORT, April 30, 1850.

DEAR ORLANDO,—On my return, last Saturday, from Louisville, where I had been spending some days, I found your letter. I perused it with the most painful interest. My heart is troubled at the discord that seems to reign among our friends. Burnley will be in Washington when this reaches you, and with his good sense and his sincere devotion to General Taylor will be able to settle all difficulties about the Republic, and give to it a satisfactory and harmonious direction. The editors of that paper are the friends of General Taylor, and if his cabinet is not altogether what they could wish, they ought, for his sake and the sake of his cause, to waive all objections on that score. Concession among friends is no sacrifice of independence. The temper to do it is a virtue, and indispensable to that co-operation that is necessary to political success. I do not, of course, mean that any man, for any object, ought to surrender essential principles, or his honor; but in this instance nothing of that sort can be involved. The utmost differences of the parties must consist of personal feelings, or disagreements in opinion about expediencies. If even an old Roman could say, and that, too, with continued approbation of about twenty centuries, that he had rather err with Cato, etc., I think that we, his friends, one and all of us, ought to give to General Taylor the full benefit of that sentiment, and strengthen him thereby to bear the great responsibility we have placed upon him. Cato himself was not more just or illustrious than General Taylor, nor ever rendered greater services to his country. When I read your account of that interview, in which he uttered the indignant complaints extorted from him by contumely and wrong, I felt, Orlando, that scene as you did, when you so nobly described it,—my heart burned within me. It is not with such a man, so situated, that friends ought to stand upon niceties, or be backward in their services. The men of the Republic will not, I am certain. They are men of the right grit, and I assure myself that all will be amicably arranged and settled with them. The course pursued in Congress towards General Taylor and his cabinet will, I think, react in their favor, and out of the very difficulties that surround him he will triumph, as he has triumphed before. This is my hope and my faith. The committees intended to persecute and destroy, will strengthen and preserve, the cabinet, and the slavery question settled, the friends that it has dispersed will return to the standard of old Zack.

I am sorry that you intend to resign your office so soon. I am satisfied that you are useful to General Taylor, and that your leaving Washington will deprive him of a great comfort. There must be something soothing in escaping occasionally from the stated and formal consultations of the cabinet and indulging in the free and irresponsible intercourse and conversation of a trusted friend. Who is to succeed you when you resign? Every one, I believe, feels some particular concern in his successor, as though it were a sort of continuation of himself. If you have not committed yourself otherwise, I should be pleased to see Alexander McKee, the clerk of our county of Garrard, succeed you. You know him, I believe. He is the near relation of Colonel McKee, who fell at Buena Vista, a man of business and a bold and ardent friend of General Taylor. If you are willing and will advise as to the time and course, he will probably visit Washington and endeavor to obtain the office. Let me hear from you on this subject. I think you will yet be offered the mission to Vienna, and that you ought not to decline so fine an opportunity of visiting the Old World.

It seems to me evident that the slavery question must now soon be settled, and that upon the basis of admitting California and establishing territorial governments without the Wilmot proviso. If this fails, great excitement and strife will be the consequence, and all will be charged, right or wrong, to the opposition of the administration to that plan. In the present state of things, I can see no inconsistency in the administration's supporting that plan. It is not in terms the plan recommended by the President, but it is the same in effect, and modified only by the circumstances that have since occurred. General Taylor's object was to avoid and suppress agitation by inaction, and by leaving the slavery question to be settled by the people of the respective territories; but the temper of the times was not wise and forbearing enough to accept this pacific policy. To promote this policy, General Taylor was willing to forego what, under ordinary circumstances, would have been a duty, the establishment of territorial governments. But what has since happened, and what is now the altered state of the case? The agitation which he would have suppressed has taken place, and, instead of the forbearance recommended by him, a course of action has been taken which must lead to some positive settlement, or leave the subject in a much worse condition than it has ever been. Here, then, is a new case presented; and it seems to me that the grand object exhibited in the President's recommendation will be accomplished by the admission of California and the establishment of territorial governments without the Wilmot proviso. The prime object was to avoid that proviso and its excitements by inaction; but any course of action that gets rid of that proviso cannot be said to be inconsistent with the object in view. The only difference is in the means of attaining the same end, and that difference is the result of the altered state of the subject since the date of the President's message. In the attainment of so great an object as that in question, the peace and safety of the Union, it will, as it seems to me, be wise and magnanimous in the administration not to be tenacious of any particular plan, but to give its active aid and support to any plan that can effect the purpose. I want the plan that does settle the great question, whatever it may be, or whosesoever it may be, to have General Taylor's Imprimatur upon it.

I shall expect letters from you with impatience.

Your friend,

J. J. CRITTENDEN.

To O. BROWN.

SOURCE: Ann Mary Butler Crittenden Coleman, Editor, The Life of John J. Crittenden: With Selections from His Correspondence and Speeches, Vol. 1, p. 367-9