Asa Cummings to Reverend Henry Reid of Columbus, Mississippi, December 28, 1838

To THE PREsBYTERY of ToMBECBEE.

DEAR BRETHREN. At the annual meeting of the General Conference of Congregational churches in Maine, in the month of June last, the Rev. Messrs. Wm. Allen, D. D., B. Tappan, D.D., J. W. Chickering, A. Cummings, S. McKeen, W. T. Dwight and S. L. Pomroy, were appointed a Committee to correspond with Southern Ecclesiastical Bodies on the subject of slavery The history of their appointment will throw some light upon its object.

The General Conference of Maine is made up of Delegates from County or District Conferences, of which there are now ten in this State. The subject of slavery has been introduced into a majority of these Conferences, and declared by them to be opposed to natural and revealed law. One of these Conferences instructed its delegates to the last meeting of the General Conference to procure of that Body, if possible, an expression of sentiments in opposition to slavery, in the form of a memorial to the Southern Churches. Their proposition, having been presented, came before a Select Committee; and, after mature deliberation, was ultimately disposed of, as stated above, by the appointment of the Committee of correspondence, who now address you.

This course was adopted, because our constituents deemed it unexceptionable, and truly Christian in its character. If they had any remonstrance to offer, or any censure to pass, they judged that the laws of our common Lord and Master required them to communicate with you directly, rather than through any public vehicle — to tell, you what we deem your faults “between us and you alone,” rather than to proclaim those faults to the world. And they believed, that the moral influence of an act of Christian fellowship and faithfulness, performed in this way, would be far more favorable and efficacious, than in the more imposing and arrogant form of public rebuke. And the well known frankness of the Southern character, superadded — in your case — to that of religious obligation, induces the confident trust of the Committee, that this communication will be kindly received, though it be marked by “great plainness of speech.” We do you the justice to believe, that frankness, on our part, would please you better than concealment — the expression of our feelings better than silence.

The Committee, too, believe with a majority of their constituents, that any act on our part, censuring the Southern churches in the face of the world, would, at this time, be premature: for while there may be individuals, perhaps whole churches, not chargeable with holding slaves; there may be others, perhaps collections of churches, entire Presbyteries or Synods, who are lamenting before God the existence of such an anomaly in a community voluntarily subject to the laws of Christ; and meditating its extinction, and praying to God for his guidance, as to the means which they can most successfully employ in effecting its cessation. To act understandingly on this subject, we feel the need of more knowledge, drawn from original and unexceptionable sources, knowledge, on which we can depend. We would not, in this case, incur the “folly and shame” of him, who, “judgeth a matter before he heareth it.” —  Though with the data supplied from the word of God, we feel competent to decide on the general character of slavery; yet in applying general principles to your case, we might do you injustice, without a more particular knowledge of facts, circumstances and feelings in relation to it.

Now, Dear Brethren, we are dependent on you to supply this defect in our knowledge. We would know from ourselves the facts in the case. Is the holding of slaves as common among church members, as among other classes of citizens? And if so, on what ground is the practice defended? that of right? or of necessity? If the latter, what is doing to remove such necessity? Is there a general feeling, that slavery must be perpetual unless terminated by some interposition of God, without the voluntary action of the masters? Is it regarded by devout Christians among you as a desirable state of society? If so, why? If not, why not? Does prescription, or anything in the by-laws or discipline of your churches secure any immunities to slaves, who are church members? May they be bought and sold, when their masters also are church members, and such masters not be subjected to discipline? Does their relation to the church — their masters being church members — afford them a guarantee against the separation of husbands from wives, parents from children? Does it secure to them adequate means and opportunities for religious instruction, and the performance of their duties to God, and to one another.

We hope, dear Brethren, it may comport with your views of self-respect, and of Christian duty and privilege, to reply to these queries, or to so many of them as you shall find it convenient to answer, or to give us the requisite information in such forms as shall be most agreeable to yourselves. We ask it, not as judges and censors, but as brethren of the same family, and on the strength of your and our common relation to Jesus Christ — on the strength of that bond of union which is so all-pervading, that if one member suffer, all the members suffer with it; and if one member rejoice, all the members rejoice with it.

It is proper that you should know, that in regard to what is called the “northern abolition movement,” we are divided in opinion; some in our churches having warmly espoused it, and others being as warmly opposed to it, or indifferent. But the conviction, and feeling, is universal among us, that slavery is a great evil; and nearly so, that slaveholding is a sin. And as Christians, we are in great perplexity on this account. It is strongly impressed on not a few, that our churches have a duty to perform in relation to it, as sister or corresponding churches with yours. Now, though your opinion should differ from ours, and you should regard us as troubling ourselves with that for which we are not responsible; still we hope you will reply to our communication —  if for no other reason, yet from respect to our weak consciences; such a service being often highly acceptable to God, and beneficial to man. For this you have the authority and example of the magnanimous apostle of the Gentiles. Our hope is, that your correspondence may be a means of conciliating and uniting us, and enkindling in our bosoms a deeper interest in your churches, and of calling forth more earnest prayer for the divine Spirit and blessing upon you.

Yours in Gospel bonds,

ASA CUMMINGS,  

for the Committee.

P. S. We do not intend to publish your communications without your full and free consent first obtained; but should be glad of permission to make a digest of facts, &c. for our report to the Conference, from which we receive our appointment. In this case, we shall suppress names and localities, unless we have liberty to use them.

Portland, Dec. 28, 1838.

SOURCE: Cyrus P. Grosvenor, Slavery vs. The Bible: A Correspondence Between the General Conference of Maine, and the Presbytery of Tombecbee, Mississippi, p. 3-10

Samuel Fessenden to the Editor of the New York Evangelist, November 2, 1834

PORTLAND, ME., Nov. 2, [1834].

As you have already received and published a correct account of the formation of a State A. S. Society for Maine, an event which diffuses general joy among the friends of the cause of immediate abolition, and increases the hopes of its advocates, I do not recur to the event for any other object, than as it was the occasion of drawing into this State that distinguished friend of the cause, George Thompson, Esq.

I had the pleasure of attending most of his lectures while among us, and cannot but say, I feel thankful to God, who has inclined his heart to embark in the mighty undertaking of the emancipation of American slaves, having in conjunction with the great and good, achieved the emancipation of British slaves. Next to Him, “who holds the hearts of men in his hands, and turns them as the rivers of waters are turned,” I feel grateful to Mr. T., who has given himself liberally to the work, and to those beloved philanthropists who have furnished the means of his coming. Never, in my humble judgment, was an individual better qualified for the mighty task which he has come to aid than is Mr. T. Every word every action affords strong evidence that he enters on his labors with a heart overflowing with Christian philanthropy, and devoted to the God-like cause which he has come to sustain and enforce.

I place first among his qualifications as an advocate of abolition, the spirit of Christ with which he is, most evidently, deeply imbued, and which he breathes forth in every address, and I might add, in almost every sentence. On his tongue, is emphatically the law of kindness. This is as it should be. Next his powers of mind are evidently of a superior order. And if you add the gifts and graces of a thorough systematic education, it must necessarily follow that he must be a powerful advocate of any cause to which he might devote his attention, and upon which he should bring such a mind to bear. He has-great, complicated, delicate, and I might say overwhelming as it is—completely mastered the subject. It must have been considered by him in its infinitely important relations, both to time and eternity, with a clearness of perception which is the result of the combined agency of pure and elevated religious affections, and a powerful and discriminating intellect. That Mr. Thompson should possess a very thorough knowledge of the evils of slavery generally, and of its appropriate remedies, I was prepared to expect; but I was not prepared to see him display such a thorough and intimate acquaintance with the constitution and laws, and genius of our government, if I may use the expression, and with the constitution and laws of the slaveholding states, as he has evidently acquired. He seems to be as familiar with them all as one born and educated upon the soil polluted by this mightiest of evils — this most flagrant of sins. He seems like one who has traced this system through all its labyrinths of iniquity, to its polluted source; and to have uncovered its dark streams, and to exhibit to the moral and mental eye how it gushes from the grand reservoir of all plagues, the bottomless pit.

Such a man, on such a subject, cannot fail to be eloquent. Mr. Thompson is truly so. I think all who have heard him, both the friends and enemies of the cause, will sustain me in this. If to convince the understanding, to captivate the heart and engage the affections is eloquence, then Mr. T. is eloquent.

You will pardon me for adverting to the manner in which Mr. T. manages the question, and which bears me out in saying that he must prove a powerful agent in the accomplishment of the emancipation of the slaves and the extinction of slavery in our beloved country.

Mr. Thompson lays the foundation of his argument on the immutable law of God, and shows that slavery in all its shapes and forms, even the mildest it can assume, is opposed to the great and universal law of love — that, therefore, no one who claims to hold his fellow-man as property, can be guiltless — that the assumption of such a right is wresting from Jehovah his own peculiar prerogative, and must, therefore, be an aggravated sin—that it is the duty of all who are guilty, and that it is imperatively required, instantly to cease from this as well as from all other sins — that the only path of safety is the path of obedience — and that this is safe. That humanity, justice, the best interest of the slaveholder, as well as the slave, are in accordance with the law of God, and that we may safely rest on the promises of God that he will reward obedience in this, as well as in all other cases, by averting any evils which may be found as the result of obedience to his holy and righteous behests.

Such has been the scope of his argument. To do justice to his power in illustrating and enforcing it as well by the divine law, as promulgated in the word of God, as by the law written on the heart, and in the understanding, and enforced by an enlightened conscience, and confirmed by the whole history of mankind, and the dealings of Jehovah with individuals and nations, I would not attempt. Let him be heard, only, and any attempt I might make would be useless.

But, it will naturally be asked, what has been the effect produced upon the cause of the oppressed which he has thus been pleading! On those who have heard, I have no hesitation in saying the effect has been great and salutary. The decided have been aroused to more vigorous exertion —  the roving confirmed, and not a few, of the comparatively few, of the decided opponents, who were induced to attend, have been converted, or brought to pause in their career of opposition. But while I have the satisfaction of stating that the audiences, in point of numbers and moral worth, were respectable and in most instances large, still, a large proportion of the people, the professed friends of colonization, and most of our clergymen of the various denominations, and especially in this city, refused to hear. Some deeming the cause too secular to be considered by the religious community, and too unholy to be discussed from the pulpit.

Then in some instances it was found difficult to procure a suitable house, and in some we were met by absolute refusal. In some instances clergymen, professing to be opposed to slavery, refused even to give notice of our meetings from the pulpit. The Rev. Mr. Dwight, one of our most talented and active ministers of the congregational order in this city, refused to give the following notice:

“Mr. Thompson, from England, will lecture at 7 o'clock this evening, at the Christian chapel in Temple-street, on the subject of immediate emancipation, when he will attempt to show that such emancipation is not only required by the word of God, but is also the only just, safe or expedient remedy for American Slavery.

“All the friends of liberty, humanity, and religion, are respectfully invited to attend.”

I give this instance to show the spirit of the opposition with which we have to contend, and how far this awful sin of slavery has given a tinge to the minds of some, and I fear many, of our great and good men.

But I trust none of these things move us from our purpose, never to rest till an end is put to this crying abomination of our land.

Mr. T., I trust, will ere long visit your city, and that he may be heard, and rightly appreciated, is my earnest prayer. I am, dear sir, most affectionately,

Your friend and servant,

SAMUEL FESSENDEN.

SOURCE: Isaac Knapp, Publisher, Letters and Addresses by G. Thompson [on American Negro Slavery] During His Mission in the United States, From Oct. 1st, 1834, to Nov. 27, 1835, p. 17-20