PORTLAND, ME., Nov. 2, [1834].
As you have already received and published a correct account
of the formation of a State A. S. Society for Maine, an event which diffuses
general joy among the friends of the cause of immediate abolition, and
increases the hopes of its advocates, I do not recur to the event for any other
object, than as it was the occasion of drawing into this State that
distinguished friend of the cause, George Thompson, Esq.
I had the pleasure of attending most of his lectures while
among us, and cannot but say, I feel thankful to God, who has inclined his
heart to embark in the mighty undertaking of the emancipation of American
slaves, having in conjunction with the great and good, achieved the emancipation
of British slaves. Next to Him, “who holds the hearts of men in his
hands, and turns them as the rivers of waters are turned,” I feel grateful to
Mr. T., who has given himself liberally to the work, and to those beloved
philanthropists who have furnished the means of his coming. Never, in my humble
judgment, was an individual better qualified for the mighty task which he has
come to aid than is Mr. T. Every word every action affords strong evidence that
he enters on his labors with a heart overflowing with Christian philanthropy,
and devoted to the God-like cause which he has come to sustain and enforce.
I place first among his qualifications as an advocate of
abolition, the spirit of Christ with which he is, most evidently, deeply
imbued, and which he breathes forth in every address, and I might add, in
almost every sentence. On his tongue, is emphatically the law of kindness. This
is as it should be. Next his powers of mind are evidently of a superior order.
And if you add the gifts and graces of a thorough systematic education, it must
necessarily follow that he must be a powerful advocate of any cause to which he
might devote his attention, and upon which he should bring such a mind to bear.
He has-great, complicated, delicate, and I might say overwhelming as it
is—completely mastered the subject. It must have been considered by him in its
infinitely important relations, both to time and eternity, with a clearness of
perception which is the result of the combined agency of pure and elevated religious
affections, and a powerful and discriminating intellect. That Mr. Thompson
should possess a very thorough knowledge of the evils of slavery generally, and
of its appropriate remedies, I was prepared to expect; but I was not prepared
to see him display such a thorough and intimate acquaintance with the
constitution and laws, and genius of our government, if I may use the
expression, and with the constitution and laws of the slaveholding states, as
he has evidently acquired. He seems to be as familiar with them all as one born
and educated upon the soil polluted by this mightiest of evils — this most
flagrant of sins. He seems like one who has traced this system through all its
labyrinths of iniquity, to its polluted source; and to have uncovered its dark
streams, and to exhibit to the moral and mental eye how it gushes from the
grand reservoir of all plagues, the bottomless pit.
Such a man, on such a subject, cannot fail to be eloquent.
Mr. Thompson is truly so. I think all who have heard him, both the friends and
enemies of the cause, will sustain me in this. If to convince the
understanding, to captivate the heart and engage the affections is eloquence,
then Mr. T. is eloquent.
You will pardon me for adverting to the manner in which Mr.
T. manages the question, and which bears me out in saying that he must prove a
powerful agent in the accomplishment of the emancipation of the slaves and the
extinction of slavery in our beloved country.
Mr. Thompson lays the foundation of his argument on the
immutable law of God, and shows that slavery in all its shapes and forms, even
the mildest it can assume, is opposed to the great and universal law of love — that,
therefore, no one who claims to hold his fellow-man as property, can be
guiltless — that the assumption of such a right is wresting from Jehovah his
own peculiar prerogative, and must, therefore, be an aggravated sin—that it is
the duty of all who are guilty, and that it is imperatively required, instantly
to cease from this as well as from all other sins — that the only path of
safety is the path of obedience — and that this is safe. That humanity,
justice, the best interest of the slaveholder, as well as the slave, are in
accordance with the law of God, and that we may safely rest on the promises of
God that he will reward obedience in this, as well as in all other cases, by
averting any evils which may be found as the result of obedience to his holy
and righteous behests.
Such has been the scope of his argument. To do justice to
his power in illustrating and enforcing it as well by the divine law, as
promulgated in the word of God, as by the law written on the heart, and in the
understanding, and enforced by an enlightened conscience, and confirmed by the
whole history of mankind, and the dealings of Jehovah with individuals and
nations, I would not attempt. Let him be heard, only, and any attempt I might
make would be useless.
But, it will naturally be asked, what has been the effect
produced upon the cause of the oppressed which he has thus been pleading! On
those who have heard, I have no hesitation in saying the effect has been great
and salutary. The decided have been aroused to more vigorous exertion — the roving confirmed, and not a few, of the
comparatively few, of the decided opponents, who were induced to attend,
have been converted, or brought to pause in their career of opposition. But
while I have the satisfaction of stating that the audiences, in point of
numbers and moral worth, were respectable and in most instances large, still, a
large proportion of the people, the professed friends of colonization, and most
of our clergymen of the various denominations, and especially in this city,
refused to hear. Some deeming the cause too secular to be considered by the
religious community, and too unholy to be discussed from the pulpit.
Then in some instances it was found difficult to procure a
suitable house, and in some we were met by absolute refusal. In some instances
clergymen, professing to be opposed to slavery, refused even to give notice of
our meetings from the pulpit. The Rev. Mr. Dwight, one of our most talented and
active ministers of the congregational order in this city, refused to give the
following notice:
“Mr. Thompson, from England, will lecture at 7 o'clock this
evening, at the Christian chapel in Temple-street, on the subject of immediate
emancipation, when he will attempt to show that such emancipation is not only
required by the word of God, but is also the only just, safe or expedient
remedy for American Slavery.
“All the friends of liberty, humanity, and religion, are respectfully
invited to attend.”
I give this instance to show the spirit of the opposition
with which we have to contend, and how far this awful sin of slavery has given
a tinge to the minds of some, and I fear many, of our great and good men.
But I trust none of these things move us from our purpose,
never to rest till an end is put to this crying abomination of our land.
Mr. T., I trust, will ere long visit your city, and that he
may be heard, and rightly appreciated, is my earnest prayer. I am, dear sir,
most affectionately,
Your friend and
servant,
SAMUEL FESSENDEN.
SOURCE: Isaac Knapp, Publisher, Letters and
Addresses by G. Thompson [on American Negro Slavery] During His Mission in the
United States, From Oct. 1st, 1834, to Nov. 27, 1835, p. 17-20