On Sunday, the
13th of July, 1862, President Lincoln invited me to accompany him in
his carriage to the funeral of an infant child of Mr.
Stanton. Secretary Seward and Mrs. Frederick Seward were also in the carriage.
Mr. Stanton occupied at that time for a summer residence the house of a
naval officer, I think Hazard, some two or three miles west, or
northwest, of Georgetown. It was on this occasion and on this ride
that he first mentioned to Mr. Seward and myself the subject of emancipating
the slaves by proclamation in case the Rebels did not cease to persist in their
war on the Government and the Union, of which he saw
no evidence. He dwelt earnestly on the gravity, importance, and delicacy of the
movement, said he had given it much thought and had about come to the
conclusion that it was a military necessity absolutely essential for the
salvation of the Union, that we must free the slaves or be ourselves subdued,
etc., etc.
This was, he said, the
first occasion when he had mentioned the subject to any one, and wished us to
frankly state how the proposition struck us. Mr. Seward said the subject
involved consequences so vast and momentous that he should wish to bestow on it
mature reflection before
giving a decisive answer, but his present opinion inclined to the measure as
justifiable, and perhaps he might say expedient and necessary. These were also
my views. Two or three times on that ride the subject, which was of course
an absorbing one for each and all, was adverted to, and before separating the
President desired us to give the question special and deliberate attention, for
he was earnest in the conviction that something must be done. It was a new
departure for the President, for until this time, in all our previous
interviews, whenever the question of emancipation or the
mitigation of slavery had been in any way alluded to, he had been
prompt and emphatic in denouncing any interference by the General Government
with the subject. This was, I think, the sentiment of every
member of the Cabinet, all of whom, including the
President, considered it a local, domestic question appertaining to the States
respectively, who had never parted with their authority over it. But the
reverses before Richmond, and the formidable power and dimensions of the
insurrection, which extended through all the Slave States, and had combined
most of them
in a confederacy to destroy the Union, impelled the Administration to adopt
extraordinary measures to preserve the national existence. The slaves, if not
armed and disciplined, were in the service of those who were, not
only as field laborers and producers, but thousands of them were in
attendance upon the armies in the field, employed as waiters and teamsters, and
the fortifications and intrenchments were constructed by them.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 70-1
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