A Cabinet-meeting to-day at 11 A.M. The principal topic was
the mission of Alexander H. Stephens. The President read a letter from Colonel
Ludlow, United States Agent for exchange of prisoners, to Secretary Stanton,
stating that Stephens had made a communication to Admiral Lee, which the
Admiral had sent to the Secretary of the Navy. After reading them, the
President said he was at first disposed to put this matter aside without many
words, or much thought, but a night's reflection and some remarks yesterday had
modified his views. While he was opposed to having Stephens and his vessel come
here, he thought it would be well to send some one —perhaps go himself — to
Fortress Monroe. Both Seward and Stanton were startled when this remark was
made. Seward did not think it advisable the President should go, nor any one
else; he considered Stephens a dangerous man, who would make mischief anywhere.
The most he (Seward) would do would be to allow Stephens to forward any
communication through General Dix. Seward passes by Admiral Lee and the Navy
Department, through whom the communication originally came. Stanton was earnest
and emphatic against having anything to do with Stephens, or Jeff Davis, or
their communication. Chase was decided against having any intercourse with
them. Blair took a different view. He would not permit Stephens to come here
with his staff, but would receive any communication he bore, and in such a case
as this, he would not cavil about words. Something more important was involved.
While this discussion was going on, I wrote a brief answer
to Lee, and said to the President I knew not why Colonel Ludlow was intruded as
the medium of communication, or General Dix, — that neither of them was in any
way connected with this transaction. Admiral Lee, in command of the blockading
force, received a communication from Mr. Stephens, and had made known to the
Navy Department, under whose orders he is acting, the application of the
gentleman who had a mission to perform, and was now with Admiral Lee waiting an
answer. In this stage of the proceeding, the Secretary of State proposes that
Admiral Lee should be ignored, and the subject transferred from the Navy to
some military officer, or one of his staff. Was it because Admiral Lee was
incompetent, or not to be trusted? Admiral Lee has informed Stephens he cannot
be permitted to pass until he has instructions from the Navy Department.
Nothing definite has yet been suggested in reply. He and the parties are
waiting to hear from me, and I propose to take some notice of his application,
and, unless the President objects, send an answer as follows to Admiral Lee: —
“The object of the communication borne by Mr. Stephens is
not stated or intimated. It is not expedient from this indefinite information
that you should permit that gentleman to pass the blockade with the Torpedo.”
None of the gentlemen adopted or assented to this, nor did
they approximate to unity or anything definite on any point. After half an
hour's discussion and disagreement, I read what I had pencilled to the President,
who sat by me on the sofa. Under the impression that I took the same view as
Chase and Stanton, he did not adopt it. Seward, in the mean time, had
reconsidered his proposition that the communication should be received, and
thought with Stanton it would be best to have nothing to do with the mission in
any way. The President was apprehensive my letter had that tendency. Mr. Blair
thought my suggestion the most practical of anything submitted. Chase said he
should be satisfied with it. Stanton the same. Seward thought that both Stanton
and myself had better write, each separate answers, Stanton to Ludlow and I to
Lee, but to pretty much the same effect.
The President said my letter did not dispose of the
communication which Stephens bore. I told him the dispatch did not exclude it.
Though objection was made to any communication, an answer must be sent Admiral
Lee. Everything was purposely left open, so that Stephens could, if he chose,
state or intimate his object. I left the dispatch indefinite in consequence of
the diversity of opinion among ourselves, but that I had not the least
objection, and should for myself prefer to add, “I am directed by the President
to say that any communication which Mr. Stephens may have can be forwarded.”
This addendum did not, as I knew it would not, meet the
views entertained by some of the gentlemen. The President prefers that a
special messenger should be sent to meet Stephens, to which I see no serious
objection, but which no one favors. I do not anticipate anything frank, manly,
or practical in this mission, though I do not think Stephens so dangerous a man
as Mr. Seward represents him. It is a scheme without doubt, — possibly for
good, perhaps for evil, — but I would meet it in a manner not offensive, nor by
a rude refusal would I give the Rebels and their sympathizers an opportunity to
make friends at our expense or to our injury. This, I think, is the President's
purpose. Mr. Blair would perhaps go farther than myself, the others not so far.
We must not put ourselves in the wrong by refusing to communicate with these
people. On the other hand, there is difficulty in meeting and treating with men
who have violated their duty, disregarded their obligations, and who lack
sincerity.
I ought to answer Lee, and, because I have not, Ludlow and
Dix have been applied to. Seward will make the Secretary of War or himself the
medium and not the Secretary of the Navy, — Ludlow or Dix, not Admiral Lee. I
proposed to inform Admiral Lee that his communication should be answered
to-morrow, it having been decided we would not reply to-day. Seward said the
subject would not spoil by keeping. The President thought it best to send no
word until we gave a conclusive answer to-morrow.
At 5 P.M. I received a telegram that the Torpedo with Mr.
Stephens had gone up the river. Another telegram at eight said she had
returned.
SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles,
Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30,
1864, p. 359-62
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