Went down to the
Capes of the Chesapeake on Tuesday, and remained at Hampton Roads and in the
Chesapeake Bay, not returning until this morning. Have overdone, been
indisposed for some weeks, or rather not in right condition. Seward, Doolittle,
and three or four naval officers, and my two sons, Edgar and John, went with
me. Had a pleasant time, but did not much recruit or improve in health.
Had several
conversations with Seward in regard to the proposed convention, as well as
public affairs generally. He, as usual, is very oracular and confident. Says
the movement will be a great success. It might have been, had the real issue
been presented. The convention, he says, is very well and will bring together
many who have differed, will be a success, etc., etc. What will be the attitude
of parties and persons in New York was not so clearly stated.
Doolittle tells me
that Seward has written a letter to the Tammany Society, which he, Seward,
thought was better than to write to Randall. In this D., indoctrinated by
Seward, seemed inclined to acquiesce; said he had seen the letter, or had it
read to him by S. I questioned whether it was the best way, and thought it
would have more influence and be more creditable to frankly and directly
communicate to Randall. It is a characteristic dodge.
Seward says Morgan
(Senator) was not apprised of the call until it was published. He, Morgan, had
concluded to go with the Radicals on the Civil Rights Bill, which, of course,
meant the whole Radical policy; had told him (S.) how he intended to vote, the
day preceding the final passage; said, in justification, the Evening Post favored
it; that the legislature had instructed him. Seward remonstrated, but
Morgan took his course, and thenceforth the intimacy had been broken. This
modifies my conception of the matter, provided Weed was [not] in the thing; but
if Weed advised or was in any way committed, Morgan was duped, and yet not
that, perhaps, unless duped by his own folly and ambition, for he knows
perfectly well the intimate relations of Seward and Weed, and that they always
act in concert and understandingly, though apparently on opposite sides at
times. But this pretended opposition is always deceptive and for a purpose, — they
never antagonize.
When the call for a
convention was in preparation and about to be issued, Seward tells me he sent
for Weed, who looked it over and approved the measure and the sentiments set
forth. He (S.) then told Weed he must inform Morgan, so that he should not be
wholly taken by surprise, but Weed delayed and finally missed the opportunity.
I am not sorry if
Morgan feels himself slighted. He has proved to be a calculating but not
profoundly skillful trimmer during the session, and has lost irrevocably the
higher position which he occupied early in the session. That he has flattered
himself he could screen his vote, if unfortunate, under legislative
instruction, I have never doubted, while if it was popular he should take to
himself credit, was equally clear.
I find in the papers
on my return to-day Seward's Tammany letter. It is, as I supposed it would be,
a Seward dodge. With tints and hues and words to amuse, and hereafter turn as
he may wish. It will not help the cause or help the President, and I am
surprised that Doolittle should be satisfied with it. It shows how much he is
under Seward's influence.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 547-8
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