Went to the Capitol
a little before ten this A.M. Apprehended I should be late, for we had agreed
yesterday in Cabinet to meet in the President's room at nine. Only Randall was
there when I arrived, and it was more than an hour before the President and
others came. There had been some misunderstanding as to the hour of
adjournment, on which there had been conflicting votes.
The two houses sat
all night, and finished their labor of the session by increasing their own
salaries $2000 each per annum, and by a bounty bill involving an expenditure of
probably one hundred millions. Trumbull, who has gone astray, says not over
sixty-five millions. This is waste and reckless extravagance as well as
imprudent and careless legislation in almost all respects.
The President spoke
to me on the subject soon after he arrived. I said promptly I hoped he would
not sanction the proceeding; that it was profligate legislation and a good
question with which to go before the people, — I should be glad of such an
issue; — that neither wisdom, sound policy, nor good government would sanction
such reckless extravagance, though the country appears dumb and indifferent
over extravagant inroads; that the result of such waste and profligacy, if
countenanced and approved by Executive and Congress, must end in the prostration
of the Government and general repudiation.
When the bill was
received and read, Seward at once remarked that the President was not
responsible for the act and he had but one course to take, which was to sign
the bill. Stanton said promptly he would not have voted for it had he been a
Member, but that he would not advise a veto. McCulloch said the bill was not so
bad as it might have been and thought the Government could stagger through it.
Stanbery thought it had better be approved. I still objected. The President was
reluctant, but at length signed the bill. McCulloch put his arm around me as I
walked around the room and brought me up towards the President. As he did so,
he said, "I know this is against your opinion, but under the circumstances
we all think it is best." I told him and the President that I submitted,
and he perhaps could hardly be expected to do otherwise than assent to the Act
of Congress, supported by his entire Cabinet, including the Secretary of the
Treasury, I only differing. The President yields on questions when his friends
advise and urge him. They do not always have an opportunity. In the Cabinet
economy is not a cardinal point. McCulloch has correct views, but he, also,
yields too much. I should have been glad to have stood out with the President
on this issue, or rather to have had him with me. The country would have been
with him, because he would have been right.
I told the President
that I regretted the appointment of Clark1 to be judge in New
Hampshire. He said it was not acceptable to him, but there was a confused state
of things. It was hard to ascertain who was worthy. He thought some good
results might grow out of it. I can see nothing good and so said. On every
Constitutional point that has been raised, Clark has opposed the President. He
has been vindictive. He was the tool of Fessenden in expelling Stockton, and
has been as mischievously hostile as any man in the Senate. Yet he is selected
to be a judge. Such selections destroy public confidence.
So far as I am, or
the Navy Department is, concerned, Clark has been friendly and kind, but in his
course towards the President and as a politician and legislator I think badly
of him. The President has, under bad advice, committed a mistake. I am told
Hendricks and some other Senators interfered for Clark. There are loose
political morals in the Senate, and the President should disregard Senatorial
interposition for their own members, for they favor one another at the
country's expense.
I do not think the
Members were exactly satisfied with themselves in closing up the session. A
feeling of disappointment was apparent, and by many confessed, accompanied with
conscious guilt of wrong and feebleness. Weak capabilities, shallow
statesmanship, and intense partisanship are the qualities of this Congress.
_______________
1 Daniel Clark, Senator from New Hampshire,
1857-66, appointed United States Judge for the District of New Hampshire.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 563-5
