– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport,
Iowa, Tuesday Morning, May 20, 1862,
p. 1
Showing posts with label Henry T Clark. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Henry T Clark. Show all posts
Saturday, February 8, 2014
Sunday, December 29, 2013
Southern News
NEW YORK, May 14.
News from North Carolina states that Gov. Clark has refused
to furnish any more troops to Jeff. Davis, and has recalled all the N. C.
soldiers now in the rebel army.
North Carolina has held a convention of its citizens, and
pronounced against giving further aid to the rebellion, thus virtually
returning to the Union. In reply to the
demand of Jeff. Davis for additional troops and means of transportation for his
army through the Cotton States, Gov. Clark said that Davis had received all the
aid from North Carolina that he could expect and that hereafter no more troops
would be permitted to leave the State, and he has ordered all the N. C. troops
home.
Gov. Clark also informed the rebels that they could use the
railroads in retreating homewards, and that they would run their own risk of
being intercepted by a Union force at any part of the State.
The Tribune has
the following: “We can positively assert
that whatever modification may be made in his
order Gen. Hunter will not be recalled, nor placed in position
necessitating his resignation.”
Fort Darling, where our gunboats were engaged is situated on
a bluff, 200 feet above the river, high enough to direct a plunging fire upon
the attacking boats, which could not use their guns in response.
A loyal black who left Richmond on Friday, brought the first
news of the fight, which was at the time going on. The Richmond people were very apprehensive of
the result.
– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette,
Davenport, Iowa, Tuesday Morning, May 20, 1862, p. 1
Monday, June 17, 2013
From the South
HARRISONBURG, April 30.
Through secession channels, it is learned that the Governor
of North Carolina was arrested and imprisoned in Richmond two weeks ago on
account of his Union sentiments.
It was observed to-day that Jackson had removed his wagon
trains back some six miles since yesterday, indicating his intention to retire
still further rearward, or else entertaining a dread of an attack on them by
your forces.
A squadron of cavalry was the only rebel force discovered
to-day on the right side of the Shenandoah.
There was one wagon entered the village of McGaugheystown where they
remained till about dark. They came by
the Port Republic route.
We have noting confirmatory of the occupation of Staunton by
Gen. Milroy.
The river is still too high to attempt a passage with
safety.
A dense smoke was seen in that direction to-day, but the
cause is unknown.
– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette,
Davenport, Iowa, Thursday Morning, May 1, 1862, p. 1
Monday, March 7, 2011
Important from North Carolina
NEW YORK, May 19. – The North Carolinian states that Gov. Clarke has refused to furnish any more troops to Jeff. Davis and has recalled all North Carolina soldiers now in the rebel army.
North Carolina has held a convention of its citizens and pronounced against giving further aid to the rebellion, thus virtually returning to the Union.
In reply to the demand of Jeff Davis for additional troops and means of transportation for his army and through the Colonial States, Governor Clarke said that Davis had received all the aid from North Carolina that he could expect and that hereafter no more troops would be permitted to leave the State, and has ordered all North Carolina troops home.
Governor Clarke also informed the rebels that they could use the railroad in retreating homewards and that they would run their own risk of being intercepted by a Union force at any point of the state.
– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, May 24, 1862, p. 4
Monday, January 17, 2011
From North Carolina
A Healthy Reaction.
NEWBERN, N.C., May 14, 1862.
The climate here this far has been delightful – neither too warm nor too cold. Fewer deaths by sickness have occurred since our troops have been in this State than before we came. Our troops have been here since January last, and, on the whole, have suffered less by sickness than the troops in Virginia. If the remainder of the year should prove as healthy, and doubtless it will, then we shall have no fault to find with the climate of the Old North State.
The Western part of this State is considered the paradise of America. When the Yankees shall have discovered this beautiful section of the country, you may expect to see it soon peopled by a different class of inhabitants, whose industry and ingenuity will make the State what it should be – one of the wealthiest and most prosperous in the Union.
The authorities at Richmond, who have been in the habit of dragging the citizens of this and other Southern States before their star chamber in the most summary manner, and executing them without trial, for entertaining Union sentiments, have been very unexpectedly snubbed in these unwarrantable proceedings by the Governor of North Carolina, backed up by the State Convention. It appears that Jeff. Davis ordered the arrest of Mr. Respess, the Mayor of Washington, N. C., charged with having an interview with Gen Burnside soon after Newbern was taken. The Mayor was arrested in the night time, in the most summary manner, and hurried off to Richmond in irons, where he was thrust into a dungeon, and not allowed to see any of his friends or receive any food or clothing from them.
This outrage created the most intense excitement throughout the State. Gov. Clark was instructed by the Convention, now in session in Raleigh, to make a peremptory demand on the authorities at Richmond in the name of the State for the immediate delivery of the person of Mayor Respess, which demand was refused by President Davis. Then a Committee was appointed by the Convention to wait on Davis & Co. and inform them that the demand made by the Governor must be immediately complied with otherwise the State of North Carolina would resort to forcible measures if necessary.
Mr. Respess was on trial before Davis when Gov. Clark first made the demand for his release. Davis answered that the trial must go on, and not until the Committee made the demand in person was Mr. Respess released. This Committee was also instructed to inform Jeff. Davis that North Carolina considered herself capable of inquiring into the conduct of her own citizens, and that the Richmond authorities must make no more arrest in this state. Mr. Respess was brought to Raleigh by the Committee, where he was set at liberty, and will soon join his family and friends.
This movement on the part of Gov. Clark and the State Convention is rather ominous, to say the least – especially so when it is understood that North Carolina has withdrawn all of her aid, from Davis, and refused to meet a renewed demand from the Rebel President for more troops and additional transportation facilities. The State has positively refused to allow any of her troops to accompany the retreating rebels into the Cotton States. Her railroads, however, are placed at the disposal of the traitors to enable them to return to their respective States.
We hear of Union meetings in different parts of the State. The old flag is floating defiantly in the western counties, where they are having great Union gatherings almost within sight of the State Capital. Last Saturday two great Union meetings came off in this part of the State – one in Craven County, the other in Carteret. Strong Union resolutions were passed. Charles Henry Foster was indorsed as the representative of the Union sentiment by these meetings, and also much satisfaction was expressed over the appointment of Mr. Stanley by President Lincoln as Military Governor. This gentleman is a native of this county, and has represented this district in Congress several terms. He is greatly respected by the people of this State, and his return from California to his old home will be hailed with delight by his numerous old friends. Gov. Stanly will doubtless proceed to Raleigh as soon as he arrives, and confer with Governor Clark and the Convention, who no doubt will accept him as a medium through whom they will act in arriving at an understanding with the Federal Government prior to resuming their old position in the Union as one of the original States. –{Cor. N. Y. Tribune.
– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday May 24, 1862, p. 2
Thursday, September 24, 2009
Impressment of Arms
Every citizen of the State who has a double-barrel gun or rifle, which can be used against the enemy, and which he can spare, should not hesitate a moment to sell or give it to the government. Gov. Clark has had agents all over the State, collecting such arms as the people could spare; and it is said that agents of other States and of the Confederate government have been doing the same thing. But we utterly deny the right of President Davis to “request” Maj. Ashe, or any one else, to enter the houses of our people and impress their arms against their will. The 13th and 15th clauses of section 9th of the Confederate Constitution are as follows:
“13. A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.
15. The right of the people to secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated; and no warrants shall issue but on probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.”
The above clauses contain principles as ancient as liberty itself. These principles ought never to be violated. From the beginning of free government until now, no people ever parted with liberty as a means of achieving liberty, without finding themselves in the end subjects of despotism. The world has seen but one Washington. Clothed at one time with supreme military power, he hastened, as soon as he had performed the work of liberating his country, meekly to lay down that power at the feet of civil rule. Jefferson Davis is not George Washington. He is scarcely warm in his seat, to which he was called by the general acclaim of the whole people, before he “requests” one of his agents to violate material portions of the Constitution which he as sworn to support. The government over which he presides is one of delegated powers. The power which he claims, of search and seizure, and which he has assumed to delegate to Maj. Ashe, is expressly forbidden by the Constitution to be exercised by him, but is “reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.” The “right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed” – and “the right of the people to be secure in their person, houses, papers and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated.” – But Maj. Ashe says, “by request,” that if the arms are not forthcoming, he will seize them by force; and the Major furthermore declares in advance, “by request,” that those who do not promptly obey his call, are “cravens” and “disloyalists” – that is, cowards and traitors. Maj. Ashe expects the “true patriots” to send in their arms at once, but the arms of the cowards and traitors he will forcibly seize. Now we repeat, that every double-barrel gun and rifle which can be spared, should be promptly sold or given to the government; but there are instances and there are localities in which the people ought to retain their arms; and even if this were not so, and if all the guns and rifles could be spared, Mr. Davis must not attempt by force to disarm our people. We charge no improper motive on Mr. Davis or his agent, but we tell the people that they should not only protest against a violation of their Constitution, but resist the very beginnings of despotic rule. A people jealous of their liberties, and fighting as ours are against tyranny from without, should vigilantly guard against the possibility, not to say probability, of tyranny within. With sixty thousand of our troops as conscripts, under the control of the President, and with our home population disarmed, we should be at the mercy of any movement which radical and dangerous leaders might inaugurate. The whole character of our government might be changed, and though our people might protest against it, they would be powerless to prevent it. Orders to disarm the people have always been the forerunners of despotic military rule. Macaulay states that a favorite project with James the Second, was the disarming the population of Ireland, or rather that portion of them who disagreed with him in his peculiar views. Dick Talbot, earl of Tyrconell, who was given more to “wine and wassail” then he was to truth, justice and judgment, and who was charged with the military administration in Ireland, executed the “royal order which came from Whitehall for disarming the population.” This order was “Strictly executed as respected the English; and though the country was infested with predatory bands, a Protestant gentleman could scarcely obtain permission to keep a brace of pistols.” We leave it with our readers to say if there are not suspected persons in this State – suspected only because they did not prefer to break up the old government, and because they insist on a better administration of Confederate and State affairs as essential to the achievement of our independence, who are not regarded as “true patriots,” and the disarming of whom, whatever might be the indulgence shown to others, would be undertaken and accomplished with peculiar pleasure by certain persons. But however this may be, we protest against this order of the President to impress private property, as unnecessary, as insulting to our people as detrimental to the cause and also as a violation of the constitution. Our people have evinced no backwardness in this war. They have rushed to it as men crowd to a festival. They have given their money, their arms, and their blood without stint to the cause. But they are still free, and they will do nothing on compulsion. In the glowing account given by Mr. Bancroft, of the early settlers of North Carolina, he says – “Careless of religious sects, or colleges, or lawyers, or absolute laws, the early settlers enjoyed liberty of conscience and personal independence, freedom, of the forest and of the river:’ – and, he adds – “North Carolina was settled by the freest of the free.” The descendants of these settlers are just as free as they were. They regarded secession at will as the parent of anarchy, and coercion by the federal government as the parent of despotism; and they sought to avoid both. But they resisted and are resisting coercion, not so much on their own account as on that of others. Mr. Davis should remember this. We fought, and offered Mr. Davis all our treasure and blood, as soon as, and because his State was threatened. This consideration should induce him to treat us justly, if not generously.
We have nothing to say against Maj. Ashe personally. He is good-natured and cleaver to his friends, and public-spirited and active in the Southern cause; but it seems to us he might have executed his despotic mission with less of denunciation and threatening in advance than we find in his card. But his threats will alarm no one; and his own unselfishness will not shine with striking conspicuity when it is remembered that he holds two profitable offices – that of President of the Wilmington and Weldon Road, and Major in the Confederate service. The remedy of “peaceable secession” is likely to pay in his case indifferently well.
– Published in The North Carolina Weekly Standard, Raleigh, North Carolina, Wednesday, April 16, 1862, p. 1
“13. A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.
15. The right of the people to secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated; and no warrants shall issue but on probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.”
The above clauses contain principles as ancient as liberty itself. These principles ought never to be violated. From the beginning of free government until now, no people ever parted with liberty as a means of achieving liberty, without finding themselves in the end subjects of despotism. The world has seen but one Washington. Clothed at one time with supreme military power, he hastened, as soon as he had performed the work of liberating his country, meekly to lay down that power at the feet of civil rule. Jefferson Davis is not George Washington. He is scarcely warm in his seat, to which he was called by the general acclaim of the whole people, before he “requests” one of his agents to violate material portions of the Constitution which he as sworn to support. The government over which he presides is one of delegated powers. The power which he claims, of search and seizure, and which he has assumed to delegate to Maj. Ashe, is expressly forbidden by the Constitution to be exercised by him, but is “reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.” The “right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed” – and “the right of the people to be secure in their person, houses, papers and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated.” – But Maj. Ashe says, “by request,” that if the arms are not forthcoming, he will seize them by force; and the Major furthermore declares in advance, “by request,” that those who do not promptly obey his call, are “cravens” and “disloyalists” – that is, cowards and traitors. Maj. Ashe expects the “true patriots” to send in their arms at once, but the arms of the cowards and traitors he will forcibly seize. Now we repeat, that every double-barrel gun and rifle which can be spared, should be promptly sold or given to the government; but there are instances and there are localities in which the people ought to retain their arms; and even if this were not so, and if all the guns and rifles could be spared, Mr. Davis must not attempt by force to disarm our people. We charge no improper motive on Mr. Davis or his agent, but we tell the people that they should not only protest against a violation of their Constitution, but resist the very beginnings of despotic rule. A people jealous of their liberties, and fighting as ours are against tyranny from without, should vigilantly guard against the possibility, not to say probability, of tyranny within. With sixty thousand of our troops as conscripts, under the control of the President, and with our home population disarmed, we should be at the mercy of any movement which radical and dangerous leaders might inaugurate. The whole character of our government might be changed, and though our people might protest against it, they would be powerless to prevent it. Orders to disarm the people have always been the forerunners of despotic military rule. Macaulay states that a favorite project with James the Second, was the disarming the population of Ireland, or rather that portion of them who disagreed with him in his peculiar views. Dick Talbot, earl of Tyrconell, who was given more to “wine and wassail” then he was to truth, justice and judgment, and who was charged with the military administration in Ireland, executed the “royal order which came from Whitehall for disarming the population.” This order was “Strictly executed as respected the English; and though the country was infested with predatory bands, a Protestant gentleman could scarcely obtain permission to keep a brace of pistols.” We leave it with our readers to say if there are not suspected persons in this State – suspected only because they did not prefer to break up the old government, and because they insist on a better administration of Confederate and State affairs as essential to the achievement of our independence, who are not regarded as “true patriots,” and the disarming of whom, whatever might be the indulgence shown to others, would be undertaken and accomplished with peculiar pleasure by certain persons. But however this may be, we protest against this order of the President to impress private property, as unnecessary, as insulting to our people as detrimental to the cause and also as a violation of the constitution. Our people have evinced no backwardness in this war. They have rushed to it as men crowd to a festival. They have given their money, their arms, and their blood without stint to the cause. But they are still free, and they will do nothing on compulsion. In the glowing account given by Mr. Bancroft, of the early settlers of North Carolina, he says – “Careless of religious sects, or colleges, or lawyers, or absolute laws, the early settlers enjoyed liberty of conscience and personal independence, freedom, of the forest and of the river:’ – and, he adds – “North Carolina was settled by the freest of the free.” The descendants of these settlers are just as free as they were. They regarded secession at will as the parent of anarchy, and coercion by the federal government as the parent of despotism; and they sought to avoid both. But they resisted and are resisting coercion, not so much on their own account as on that of others. Mr. Davis should remember this. We fought, and offered Mr. Davis all our treasure and blood, as soon as, and because his State was threatened. This consideration should induce him to treat us justly, if not generously.
We have nothing to say against Maj. Ashe personally. He is good-natured and cleaver to his friends, and public-spirited and active in the Southern cause; but it seems to us he might have executed his despotic mission with less of denunciation and threatening in advance than we find in his card. But his threats will alarm no one; and his own unselfishness will not shine with striking conspicuity when it is remembered that he holds two profitable offices – that of President of the Wilmington and Weldon Road, and Major in the Confederate service. The remedy of “peaceable secession” is likely to pay in his case indifferently well.
– Published in The North Carolina Weekly Standard, Raleigh, North Carolina, Wednesday, April 16, 1862, p. 1
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