Diary of John Brown, July 22, 1859

Wrote John, enclosing draft for $100, with instructions. Also wrote Watson some instructions. Also John Henrie.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 520

Diary of John Brown, June 18, 1859

West Andover, Ohio. Borrowed John's old compass, and left my own, together with Gunley's book, with him at West Andover; also borrowed his small Jacob staff; also gave him for expenses fifteen dollars; write him, under cover to Horace Lindsley, West Andover. Henry C. Carpenter.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 519

John Brown to his Family, May 25, 1858

Chatham, Canada West, May 25, 1858.

Dear Wife And Children, Every One, — Oliver's letter of the 19th is just received. I have to commend him for his promptitude in replying to mine, as well as the comprehensiveness, brevity, and spirit of that reply. We are completely nailed down at present, for want of funds; and we may be obliged to remain inactive for months yet, for the same reason. You must all learn to be patient, — or, at least, I hope you will. If you have not been obliged to use the two drafts (amount, twenty-five dollars) before you get this, do try and hold them till I write you further. I have heard nothing from John since in March, and feel quite anxious on his account. You need not reply till further advised.

Your affectionate husband and father,

John Brown.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 456

John Brown to his Family, May 12, 1858

Chatham, Canada West, May 12, 1858.

My Dear Wife And Children, Every One, — I have just received Oliver's letter of the 14th of April; also one from wife and Oliver, of the 5th inst. I am most glad of them; and I am thankful to be able to say that all here were well yesterday, when Owen and some others left for the eastward. I with others remain behind to wait for funds to arrive. I have also a letter from John, dated April 22, enclosing lines from Forbes, with printed slips attached. It seems now, by what we can learn, that his management may occasion some hindrance; that being the case, you at home will have the more time to prepare, and will wait for further advice in the matter. It would seem as though F. has a correspondent somewhere. Can it be at Lindenville or New York? I wish John would think over the matter, and see if he can get any light on the subject, and write me, enclosing what F. has lately written him, and also the substance of what he has lately written F. I suspect some one in Dr. McCune Smith's confidence is furnishing F. with information. It must be traced out, and the utmost care observed in doing it, as well as prudence exercised in all that is said, written, or done. I shall write you as often as I can, and shall assist you all I can. I cannot say what either flour or pork will be worth when you get them; you can easily find that out when you have them. Shall send you more money as soon as I can. It may be best to sell off much of the flour. I expect to leave here shortly, but I want to hear from you right away. Enclose in a sealed envelope, the outer one directed to James M. Bell, Chatham, as above. Was very glad to hear from Ellen. May God bless and finally save you all! Had a good Abolition convention here, from different parts, on the 8th and 10th inst. Constitution slightly amended and adopted, and society organized. Great unanimity prevailed. I hope you may be able to get the old granite monument home this summer.

Your affectionate husband and father,

John Brown.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 455-6

John Brown to his Family, April 16, 1858

Ingersol, Canada West, April 16, 1858.

Dear Wife And Children, Every One, — Since I wrote you I have thought it possible, though not probable, that some persons might be disposed to hunt for any property I may be supposed to possess, on account of liabilities I incurred while concerned with Mr. Perkins. Such claims I ought not to pay if I had ever so much given me for my service in Kansas, as most of you well know I gave up all I then had to Mr. Perkins while with him. I think if Henry and Ruth have not yet made out a deed, as was talked of, they had better not do it at present, but merely sign a receipt I now send, which can be held by Watson; and I also think that when the contract of Gerrit Smith with Franklin and Samuel Thompson is found, he had better lay it by carefully with the receipt, and that all the family had better decline saying anything about their land matters. Should any disturbance ever be made, it will most likely come directly or indirectly through a scoundrel by the name of Warren, who defrauded Mr. Perkins and me out of several thousand dollars. He may set persons we suppose to be friends (who may, in fact, be so) to inquiring out matters. It can do no harm to decline saying much about such things; you can very properly say the land belongs to the family.¹ If a deed has been made by Henry and Ruth, it need not be recorded at present. I expect to leave for Iowa in a few days; write me at Chicago, directing to Jason Brown, care of John Jones, Esq., Box 764. May God bless you all!

Your affectionate husband and father,

John Brown.

P. S. Show this to John when he gets on. Henry and Ruth should both sign the receipt.

_______________

¹ Allusion is here made to a second visit of John Brown and his son together at Peterboro' a few months before the attack. When in consultation with Mr. Smith, says John Brown, Jr., “My father informed him that he had so far got his plans perfected that within a few months at least he should strike the blow. The place in Pennsylvania at which arms, etc., should be first sent had been fixed upon previous to this time. It was Chambersburg; and the whole plan, as far as then matured, was fully made known to Mr. Smith. The exact place had not been determined on, but it had been determined to commence operations in the vicinity of Harper's Ferry.”

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 453-4

John Brown to John Brown Jr., April 8, 1858

I came on here direct with J. W. Loguen the day after you left Rochester. I am succeeding, to all appearance, beyond my expectations. Harriet Tubman hooked on his whole team at once.¹ He (Harriet) is the most of a man, naturally, that I ever met with. There is the most abundant material, and of the right quality, in this quarter, beyond all doubt. Do not forget to write Mr. Case (near Rochester) at once about hunting up every person and family of the reliable kind about, at, or near Bedford, Chambersburg, Gettysburg, and Carlisle, in Pennsylvania, and also Hagerstown and vicinity, Maryland, and Harper's Ferry, Va. The names and residences of all, I want to have sent me at Lindenville.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 452

John Brown to John Brown Jr., February 23, 1858

I have become satisfied that it will be entirely best to have all my freight removed from Conneaut, and stored away safe with very quiet friends, and all marks removed from the boxes.¹ I have lately learned of some circumstances which satisfy me that this will certainly be a prudent measure; and I wish you to effect it as soon as you can without extra effort and sacrifice. Have not heard from you for some days. Write N. Hawkins, care of F. Douglass.

_______________

¹ See note at the end of Chapter XIII., for the disposal of these arms and their removal to Harper's Ferry.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 447

John Brown to Mary Ann Day Brown, March 2, 1858

New York, March 2, 1858.

My Dear Wife, —I received yours of the l7th of February yesterday; was very glad of it, and to know that you had got the ten dollars safe. I am having a constant series of both great encouragements and discouragements, but am yet able to say, in view of all, “hitherto the Lord hath helped me.” I shall send Salmon something as soon as I can, and will try to get you the articles you mention. I find a much more earnest feeling among the colored people than ever before; but that is by no means unusual. On the whole, the language of Providence to me would certainly seem to say, “Try on.” I flatter myself that I may be able to go and see you again before a great while; but I may not be able. I long to see you all. All were well with John and Jason a few days since. I had a good visit with Mr. Sanborn at Gerrit Smith's a few days ago. It would be no very strange thing if he should join me. May God abundantly bless you all! No one writes me but you.

Your affectionate husband,

John Brown.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 442-3

John Brown to John Brown Jr., February 20, 1858

Peterboro’, N. Y., Feb. 20, 1858.

Dear Son John, — I am here with our good friends Gerrit Smith and wife, who, I am most happy to tell you, are ready to go in for a share in the whole trade. I will say (in the language of another), in regard to this most encouraging fact, “My soul doth magnify the Lord.” I seem to be almost marvellously helped; and to His name be praise! I had to-day no particular thing to write, other than to let you share in my encouragement. I have been looking for a letter from you to be forwarded from Rochester; and may get one to-day. When I get one, will write you further. I do not expect to remain here long, but shall he glad to have you write me here, enclosing to Caleb Calkins,¹ Esq., Peterboro’, Madison County, N. Y. Jason and family well on the 8th.

Your affectionate father,

John Brown.

_______________

¹ This was the faithful clerk of Gerrit Smith, to whose hands most of his large pecuniary affairs were intrusted, and whose business it was in such matters as this to “hear and see, and say nothing.” Morton, at that time the tutor of Mr. Smith's son, was born in Plymouth, Mass., of the Pilgrim stock.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 437-8

John Brown to John Brown Jr., [February 1858?]

Dear Son John, — Forbes's letter to me of the 27th of January I enclose back to you, and will be glad to have you return it to him with something like the following (unless you can think of some serious objection), as I am anxious to draw him out more fully, and would also like to keep him a little encouraged and avoid an open rupture for a few weeks, at any rate. Suppose you write Forbes thus: —

“Your letter to my father, of 27th January, after mature reflection, I have decided to return to you, as I am unwilling he should, with all his other cares, difficulties, and trials, be vexed with what I am apprehensive he will accept as highly offensive and insulting, while I know that he is disposed to do all he consistently can for you, and will do so, unless you are yourself the cause of his disgust. I was trying to send you a little assistance myself, — say about forty dollars; but I must hold up till I feel different from what I now do. I understood from my father that he had advanced you already six hundred dollars, or six months' pay (disappointed as he has been), to enable you to provide for your family; and that he was to give you one hundred dollars per month for just so much time as you continued in his service. Now, you in your letter undertake to instruct him to say that he had positively engaged you for one year. I fear he will not accept it well to be asked or told to state what he considers an untruth. Again, I suspect you have greatly mistaken the man, if you supple he will take it kindly in you, or any living man, to assume to instruct him how he should conduct his own business and correspondence. And I suspect that the seemingly spiteful letters you say you have written to some of his particular friends have not only done you great injury, but also weakened his hands with them. While I have, in my poverty, deeply sympathized with you and your family, who, I ask, is likely to be moved by any exhibition of a wicked and spiteful temper on your part, or is likely to be dictated to by you as to their duties?

“I ask you to look over your letter again. You begin with saying, ‘With a little energy, all will yet be right.’ Is that respectful? and does it come with a good grace from you to the man you thus address? Look it all over; and if, after having done so, you wish him to have it, — go on! you can do so. But as a friend I would advise a very different course.”

As I conclude Forbes does not hold you as deeply committed to him, he may listen to you; and I hope he will. I want to see how a sharp but well-merited rebuke will affect him; and should it have the desired effect, I would like to get a draft for forty dollars, payable to his order, and remit him at once. I do not mean to dictate to you, as he does to me; but I am anxious to understand him fully before we go any further, and shall be glad of the earliest information of the result. . . .

Your affectionate father,

John Brown.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 432-3

Diary of John Hay: May 10, 1861

Carl Schurz loafed into my room this morning, and we spoke of the slaves and their ominous discontent. He agreed with me that the Commandants at Pickens and Monroe were unnecessarily squeamish in imprisoning and returning to their masters the fugitives who came to their gates begging to be employed. . . . Schurz says that thousands of Democrats are declaring that now is the time to remove the cause of all our woes. What we could not have done in many life-times the madness and folly of the South had accomplished for us. Slavery offers itself more vulnerable to our attack than at any point in any century, and the wild malignity of the South is excusing us before God and the world.

So we talked in the morning.

But to-night I saw a letter from Mrs. Whitman stating that Thomas Earl , T. W. Higginson, the essayist of Boston, and young John Brown, were “going to free the slaves.” What we were dreaming of came over my mind with horrible distinctness, but I shrank from the apparition. This is not the time nor are these the men to do it. They should wait till the government gives some kind of sanction to the work. . . .

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 33; Tyler Dennett, Editor, Lincoln and the Civil War in the Diaries and Letters of John Hay, p. 22-3.

John Brown to his Family, March 12, 1857

Springfield, Mass., March 12, 1857.

Dear Wife And Children All, — I have just got a letter from John. All middling well, March 2, but Johnny, who has the ague by turns. I now enclose another from Owen. I sent you some papers last week. Have just been speaking for three nights at Canton, Conn., and at Collinsville, a village of that town. At the two places they gave me eighty dollars. Canton is where both father and mother were raised. They have agreed to send to my family at North Elba grandfather John Brown's old granite monument, about eighty years old, to be faced and inscribed in memory of our poor Frederick, who sleeps in Kansas.1 I prize it very highly, and the family all will, I think. I want to see you all very much, but cannot tell when I can go back yet. Hope to get something from you here soon. Direct as before. May God bless you all!

Your affectionate husband and father.

_______________

1 This note from a friend in Connecticut shows how soon the gravestone was removed to North Elba: [Click Here].

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 375

John Brown Jr. to John Brown, Monday Morning, September 8, 1856

Monday Morning, Sept. 8, 1856.

Dear Father And Brother, — Colonel Blood has just handed me your letter, for which I am most grateful. Having before heard of Frederick's death and that you were missing, my anxiety on your account has been most intense. Though my dear brother I shall never again see here, yet I thank God you and Jason still live. Poor Frederick has perished in a good cause, the success of which cause I trust will yet bring joy to millions.

My “circumstances and prospects'” are much the same as when I last wrote you. The trial of Mr. Williams and me is before Cato, in October, — I believe the 4th. Don't know whether or not the others will get any trial here. Judge Lecompte is reported sick, and as no notice of the names of the jurors and witnesses has been served on them, it looks as if the intention is to hold them over to another term.

Wealthy has the chills and fever almost every day. She succeeds in checking it only a short time. It would afford us a great satisfaction to see you and Jason; he, and I have no doubt you, could come up with some one without any risk. If Governor Geary should not release us, I still think of going with you, whenever you think it best, to some place out of reach of a re-arrest. I can, I have no doubt, succeed in making my escape to yon from here, where W. and Johnny  might join us. There is some talk of our being removed to Leavenworth soon. If we are, I suppose the difficulty of escape would be very much increased. I am anxious to see you both, in order to perfect some plan of escape in case it should appear best. Come up if you consistently can.

The battle of Osawatomie is considered here as the great fight so far, and, considering the enemy's loss, it is certainly a great victory for us. Certainly a very dear burning of the town for them. This has proven most unmistakably that “Yankees” will “fight.” Every one I hear speaking of you is loud in your praise. The Missourians in this region show signs of great fear. Colonel Cook 1 was heard to say that if our party were prudent in view of their success, there was nothing to prevent our having everything our own way.

Hoping to see you both soon, I am as ever

Your affectionate son and brother.

[Not signed.]

[On the reverse, “Captain J. B––––, Lawrence.” Near the above, in John Brown's handwriting, is “J. Brown, Jr., in prison.”]

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 325-6

John Brown to his Family, September 7, 1856

Lawrence, Kansas Territory, Sept. 7, 1856.

Dear Wife And Children, Every One, — I have one moment to write to you, to say that I am yet alive, that Jason and family were well yesterday; John and family, I hear, are well (he being yet a prisoner). On the morning of the 30th of August an attack was made by the Ruffians on Osawatomie, numbering some four hundred, by whose scouts our dear Frederick was shot dead without warning, — he supposing them to be Free-State men, as near as we can learn. One other man, a cousin of Mr. Adair, was murdered by them about the same time that Frederick was killed, and one badly wounded at the same time. At this time I was about three miles off, where I had some fourteen or fifteen men over night that I had just enlisted to serve under me as regulars. These I collected as well as I could, with some twelve or fifteen more; and in about three quarters of an hour I attacked them from a wood with thick undergrowth. With this force we threw them into confusion for about fifteen or twenty minutes, during which time we killed or wounded from seventy to eighty of the enemy, — as they say, — and then we escaped as well as we could, with one killed while escaping, two or three wounded, and as many more missing. Four or five Free-State men were butchered during the day in all. Jason fought bravely by my side during the fight, and escaped with me, he being unhurt. I was struck by a partly-spent grape, canister, or rifle shot, which bruised me some, but did not injure me seriously. “Hitherto the Lord has helped me,” notwithstanding my afflictions. Things seem rather quiet just now, but what another hour will bring I cannot say. I have seen three or four letters from Ruth, and one from Watson, of July or August, which are all I have seen since in June. I was very glad to hear once more from you, and hope that you will continue to write to some of the friends, so that I may hear from you. I am utterly unable to write you for most of the time. May the God of our fathers bless and save you all!

Your affectionate husband and father,

John Brown.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 317-8

John Brown Jr. to Jason Brown et al, August 19, 1856

August 19.

The affair last mentioned was conducted with such expedition that the United States troops, located about a mile off, had not time to reach the scene before it was all over and our men on their return, marching in good order. Our men numbered four hundred, and had the cannon which they had taken at Franklin. With this they fired six balls, out of seven shots, through Colonel Titus's house before his gang surrendered. This series of victories has caused the greatest fear among the proslavery men. While the firing was going on, the citizens at Lecompton fled across the river in the greatest consternation. Great numbers are leaving for Missouri. Colonel Titus was seriously wounded by a Sharpe's-rifle ball passing through his hand, and lodging in his shoulder too deep to be reached. It is thought the wound will prove fatal. Day before yesterday Governor Shannon and Major Sedgwick of the army went to Lawrence to obtain the prisoners our men had taken; but our men would consent to give them up only on condition that they on the other side should give up the prisoners that had been taken on warrants at Franklin, the next day after the battle there, for participating in it; and, as a further condition, that they should give up the cannon which had been taken from Lawrence at the time it was sacked; and still further agree to do all in their power to break up the camps of armed desperadoes, as well as to prevent their coming in from Missouri. These terms were complied with; and yesterday the prisoners were exchanged and the cannon at Lecompton given up to our men, and it is now once more in Lawrence. Thus you see they have themselves set their own laws at nought by that exchange of prisoners whom they had taken on warrants for those we had taken by the might of the people. Lane's men were on hand and did good service. The Chicago company that had been turned back on the Missouri River were on hand and in the thickest of the fight. Some say Colonel Lane was in it himself. Father returned with the overland emigrants, leaving in Nebraska Henry Thompson, Owen, Salmon, Frederick, and Oliver, much improved in health. He was in the fight at Franklin, and also aided in routing the gang on Washington Creek, as well as in the capture of Titus and his crew. By this time he is in Iowa, or some other distant region. He is an omnipresent dread to the ruffians. I see by the Missouri papers that they regard him as the most terrible foe they have to encounter. He stands very high with the Free-State men who will fight; and the great majority of these have made up their minds that nothing short of war to the death can save us from extermination. Say to the men of Osawatomie to become thoroughly prepared, for at any time their lives may depend upon their efficiency and vigilance; that military organization is needed for something else than amusement. Don't fail to urge the enrolment of every able-bodied Free-State man, and place yourselves in a position to act both offensively and defensively in the most efficient manner. Stringfellow and Atchison are said to be again raising a force to come in from Missouri and carry out their long-cherished plan to drive out or exterminate our people. If our men are wide awake we shall gain the day. The prospect for Kansas becoming a free State never looked brighter. Now is the time to prepare, and continue prepared. Have not yet learned of any definite action of Congress in regard to us prisoners, but we doubtless shall in a few days. Wealthy continues to have the chills and fever every few days. Write often.

Ever your affectionate brother,

John.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 312-4

John Brown Jr. to Jason Brown et al, August 16, 1856

Camp Of U. S. Cavalry, Near Lecompton, Kansas,

Aug. 16, 1856.

Dear Brother Jason And Others, — Agreeably with my promise to write often, I have sent you lately not less than four letters, — one or two by private hands, the others by mail. Events of the most stirring character are now passing within hearing distance. I should think more than two hundred shots have been fired within the past half hour, and within a mile of our camp. Have just learned that some eighty of our Free-State men have “pitched into” a proslavery camp this side of Lecompton, which was commanded by a notorious proslavery scoundrel named Titus, one of the Buford party from Alabama. A dense volume of smoke is now rising in the vicinity of his house. The firing has ceased, and we are most impatient to learn the result.

During the past month the Ruffians have been actively at work, and have made not less than five intrenched camps, where they have in different parts of the Territory established themselves in armed bands, well provided with provisions, arms, and ammunition. From these camps they sally out, steal horses, and rob Free-State settlers (in several cases murdering them), and then slip back into their camp with their plunder. Last week a body of our men made a descent upon Franklin,¹ and after a skirmishing fight of about three hours took their barracks, and recovered some sixty guns and a cannon, of which our men had been robbed some months since, on the road from Westport. Our loss was one man killed and two severely wounded, but it is thought they will recover. The enemy were in a log building, from which they kept up a sharp fire, while they themselves were quite unexposed. Our men then had recourse to a system of tactics not laid down in Scott. They procured a wagon loaded with hay, and running it down against the building set it on fire, when the rascals immediately surrendered. Yesterday our men had invested another of their fortified camps on Washington Creek, a south branch of the Wakarusa; and it was expected that an attack would be made upon it last night.

Hurrah for our side! A messenger has just come in, stating that on the approach of our men, some two hundred and fifty or three hundred in number, at Washington Creek yesterday, towards evening, the enemy broke and fled, leaving behind, to fall into the hands of our men, a lot of provisions and a hundred stand of arms. But this is not all. The notorious Colonel Titus, who only a day or two since was heard to declare that “Free-State men had only two weeks longer to remain in Kansas,” went out last night on a marauding expedition, in which he took six prisoners and a lot of horses. This morning our men followed him closely and fell upon his camp, killed two of his men, liberated the prisoners he had taken, took him and ten other prisoners, set fire to his house, and with a lot of arms, tents, provisions, etc., returned, having in the fight had only one of our men seriously wounded.

_______________

¹ Four miles south of Lawrence. The fights that followed are those mentioned by Atchison on page 309.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 311-2

John Brown Jr. to John Brown, August 16, 1856

Aug. 16, 1856.

The prospect now appears so favorable for us that it does seem as though I had better not try to meet you just now. The prospect is that there will be either a writ of habeas corpus issued, or a change of venue, which will in either case take us into the States for trial. Have sent you several letters lately by persons going to Topeka, and I enclose one which I wrote on the 13th.¹ The bearer of it, not seeing you there, has returned it. I was in hearing of the attack on Colonel Titus this morning. A messenger has just come in, stating that he (Titus) and several others were taken prisoners; Titus wounded. He also reports that a Free-State man was either killed yesterday or last night, as he was found at Titus's stiff and cold. I saw the fire of Titus's house. Well, it seems that Heaven is smiling on our arms. The case may be that within a few days I shall think it altogether best to try to meet you. A very few days will determine. All well. May God bless you! Good-by.

I should be very glad to see you, if you think it prudent to visit me. There is nothing here, that I know of, in the way. If you come just at edge of evening, no one need know it is you; but don't risk yourself if you are aware of danger. There are spies around. In view of present prospects, the prisoners think best that no attempt should be made at present to release them. We are all well treated here. Captain Sackett is a noble man. Should be very glad to know where I could communicate with you from time to time.

J. B., Jr., in prison.

Indorsed by John Brown.

_______________

¹ Not extant.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 310-1

John Brown Jr. to John Brown, August 14, 1856

Lecompton, Aug. 14, 1856.

You can, at any time you think it best, come to camp and see me, especially at evening, without observation. Come to the house of Mrs. Wesley, about fifty rods east from the camp, and she will send up her boy to let me know that a man wants to see me. You could no doubt find a temporary stopping-place either at Captain Thome's or at Mr. Lewis's, about a mile south of our camp, near the California road. In coming here you will notice two camps; ours is the more easterly. If you wish to see me, come at evening, early, to the captain's tent, and say that you wish to see the prisoners, and you will be admitted, without a doubt . The captain is very accommodating; you can come and go incog. The captain of Company I says he has been after you more than two months. Don't let them get you. I very much want to see you, but don't run any great risk on this account. At any time you wish to write me, direct to X. Y. Z., and enclose in an envelope to C. W. Babcock, Lawrence.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 310

John Brown to Edmund B. Whitman, August 1856

Names of sufferers and persons who have made sacrifices in endeavoring to maintain and advance the Free-State cause in Kansas, within my personal knowledge.

1. Two German refugees (thoroughly Free-State), robbed at Pottawatomie, named Benjamin and Bondy (or Bundy). One has served under me as a volunteer; namely, Bondy. Benjamin was prisoner for some time. Suffered by men under Coffee and Pate.

2. Henry Thompson. Devoted several months to the Free-State cause, travelling nearly two thousand miles at his own expense for the purpose, leaving family and business for about one year. Served under me as a volunteer; was dangerously wounded at Palmyra, or Black Jack; has a bullet lodged beside his backbone; has had a severe turn of fever, and is still very feeble. Suffered a little in burning of the houses of John Brown, Jr., and Jason Brown.

3. John, Jr., and Jason Brown. Both burned out; both prisoners for some time, one a prisoner still; both losing the use of valuable, partially improved claims. Both served repeatedly as volunteers for defence of Lawrence and other places, suffering great hardships and some cruelty.

4. Owen and Frederick Brown. Both served at different periods as volunteers under me; were both in the battle of Palmyra; both suffered by the burning of their brothers' houses; both have had sickness (Owen a severe one), and are yet feeble. Both lost the use of partially improved claims and their spring and summer work.

5. Salmon Brown (minor). Twice served under me as a volunteer; was dangerously wounded (if not permanently crippled) by accident near Palmyra; had a severe sickness, and still feeble.

6. Oliver Brown (minor). Served under me as a volunteer for some months; was in the battle of Palmyra, and had some sickness.

7. [B. L.] Cochran (at Pottawatomie). Twice served under me as a volunteer; was in the battle of Palmyra.¹

8. Dr. Lucius Mills devoted some months to the Free-State cause, collecting and giving information, prescribing for and nursing the sick and wounded at his own cost. Is a worthy Free-State man.

9. John Brown has devoted the service of himself and two minor sons to the Free-State cause for more than a year; suffered by the fire before named and by robbery; has gone at his own cost for that period, except that he and his company together have received forty dollars in cash, two sacks of flour, thirty-five pounds bacon, thirty-five do. sugar, and twenty pounds rice.

I propose to serve hereafter in the Free-State cause (provided my needful expenses can be met), should that be desired; and to raise a small regular force to serve on the same condition. My own means are so far exhausted that I can no longer continue in the service at present without the means of defraying my expenses are furnished me.

I can give the names of some five or six more volunteers of special merit I would be glad to have particularly noticed in some way.

J. Brown.

_______________

¹ Better known as Black Jack.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 241-2

John Brown to his Family, June 1856

Near Brown's Station, K. T., June, 1856.

Dear Wife And Children, Every One, — It is now about five weeks since I have seen a line from North Elba, or had any chance of writing you. During that period we here have passed through an almost constant series of very trying events. We were called to go to the relief of Lawrence, May 22, and every man (eight in all), except Orson, turned out; he staying with the women and children, and to take care of the cattle.¹ John was captain of a company to which Jason belonged; the other six were a little company by ourselves. On our way to Lawrence we learned that it had been already destroyed, and we encamped with John's company overnight. Next day our little company left, and during the day we stopped and searched three men. Lawrence was destroyed in this way: Their leading men had (as I think) decided, in a very cowardly manner, not to resist any process having any Government official to serve it, notwithstanding the process might be wholly a bogus affair. The consequence was that a man called a United States marshal came on with a horde of ruffians which he called his posse, and after arresting a few persons turned the ruffians loose on the defenceless people. They robbed the inhabitants of their money and other property, and even women of their ornaments, and burned considerable of the town. On the second day and evening after we left John's men we encountered quite a number of proslavery men, and took quite a number prisoners. Our prisoners we let go; but we kept some four or five horses.² We were immediately after this accused of murdering five men at Pottawatomie, and great efforts have since been made by the Missourians and their ruffian allies to capture us. John's company soon afterward disbanded, and also the Osawatomie men.³

Jason started to go and place himself under the protection of the Government troops; but on his way he was taken prisoner by the Bogus men, and is yet a prisoner, I suppose. John tried to hide for several days; but from feelings of the ungrateful conduct of those who ought to have stood by him, excessive fatigue, anxiety, and constant loss of sleep, he became quite insane, and in that situation gave up, or, as we are told, was betrayed at Osawatomie into the hands of the Bogus men. We do not know all the truth about this affair. He has since, we are told, been kept in irons, and brought to a trial before a bogus court, the result of which we have not yet learned. We have great anxiety both for him and Jason, and numerous other prisoners with the enemy (who have all the while had the Government troops to sustain them). We can only commend them to God.⁴

The cowardly mean conduct of Osawatomie and vicinity did not save them; for the ruffians came on them, made numerous prisoners, fired their buildings, and robbed them. After this a picked party of the Bogus men went to Brown's Station,⁵ burned John's and Jason's houses, and their contents to ashes; in which burning we have all suffered more or less. Orson and boy have been prisoners, but were soon set at liberty. They are well, and have not been seriously injured. Owen and I have just come here for the first time to look at the ruins. All looks desolate and forsaken, — the grass and weeds fast covering up the signs that these places were lately the abodes of quiet families. After burning the houses, this self-same party of picked men, some forty in number, set out as they supposed, and as was the fact, on the track of my little company, boasting, with awful profanity, that they would have our scalps. They however passed the place where we were hid, and robbed a little town some four or five miles beyond our camp in the timber.⁶ I had omitted to say that some murders had been committed at the time Lawrence was sacked.

On learning that this party were in pursuit of us, my little company, now increased to ten in all, started after them in company of a Captain Shore, with eighteen men, he included (June 1). We were all mounted as we travelled. We did not meet them on that day, but took five prisoners, four of whom were of their scouts, and well armed. We were out all night, but could find nothing of them until about six o'clock next morning, when we prepared to attack them at once, on foot, leaving Frederick and one of Captain Shore's men to guard the horses. As I was much older than Captain Shore, the principal direction of the fight devolved on me. We got to within about a mile of their camp before being discovered by their scouts, and then moved at a brisk pace, Captain Shore and men forming our left, and my company the right. When within about sixty rods of the enemy, Captain Shore's men halted by mistake in a very exposed situation, and continued the fire, both his men and the enemy being armed with Sharpe's rifles. My company had no long-shooters. We (my company) did not fire a gun until we gained the rear of a bank, about fifteen or twenty rods to the right of the enemy, where we commenced, and soon compelled them to hide in a ravine. Captain Shore, after getting one man wounded, and exhausting his ammunition, came with part of his men to the right of my position, much discouraged. The balance of his men, including the one wounded, had left the ground. Five of Captain Shore's men came boldly down and joined my company, and all but one man, wounded, helped to maintain the fight until it was over. I was obliged to give my consent that he⁷ should go after more help, when all his men left but eight, four of whom I persuaded to remain in a secure position, and there busied one of them in shooting the horses and mules of the enemy, which served for a show of fight. After the firing had continued for some two to three hours, Captain Pate with twenty-three men, two badly wounded, laid down their arms to nine men, myself inclnded, —four of Captain Shore's men and four of my own. One of my men (Henry Thompson)⁸ was badly wounded, and after continuing his fire for an hour longer was obliged to quit the ground. Three others of my company (but not of my family) had gone off. Salmon was dreadfully wounded by accident, soon after the fight; but both he and Henry are fast recovering.

A day or two after the fight, Colonel Sumner of the United States army came suddenly upon us, while fortifying our camp and guarding our prisoners (which, by the way, it had been agreed mutually should be exchanged for as many Free-State men, John and Jason included), and compelled us to let go our prisoners without being exchanged, and to give up their horses and arms. They did not go more than two or three miles before they began to rob and injure Free-State people. We consider this as in good keeping with the cruel and unjust course of the Administration and its tools throughout this whole Kansas difficulty. Colonel Sumner also compelled us to disband; and we, being only a handful, were obliged to submit.

Since then we have, like David of old, had our dwelling with the serpents of the rocks and wild beasts of the wilderness; being obliged to hide away from our enemies. We are not disheartened, though nearly destitute of food, clothing, and money. God, who has not given us over to the will of our enemies, but has moreover delivered them into our hand, will, we humbly trust, still keep and deliver us. We feel assured that He who sees not as men see, does not lay the guilt of innocent blood to our charge.

I ought to have said that Captain Shore and his men stood their ground nobly in their unfortunate but mistaken position during the early part of the fight. I ought to say further that a Captain Abbott, being some miles distant with a company, came onward promptly to sustain us, but could not reach us till the fight was over. After the fight, numerous Free-State men who could not be got out before were on hand; and some of them, I am ashamed to add, were very busy not only with the plunder of our enemies, but with our private effects, leaving us, while guarding our prisoners and providing in regard to them, much poorer than before the battle.

If, under God, this letter reaches you so that it can be read, I wish it at once carefully copied, and a copy of it sent to Gerrit Smith. I know of no other way to get these facts and our situation before the world, nor when I can write again.

Owen has the ague to-day. Our camp is some miles off. Have heard that letters are in for some of us, but have not seen them. Do continue writing. We heard last mail brought only three letters, and all these for proslavery men. It is said that both the Lawrence and Osawatomie men, when the ruffians came on them, either hid or gave up their arms, and that their leading men counselled them to take such a course.

May God bless and keep you all!

Your affectionate husband and father,

John Brown.

P. S. Ellen and Wealthy are staying at Osawatomie.

The above is a true account of the first regular battle fought between Free-State and proslavery men in Kansas. May God still gird our loins and hold our right hands, and to him may we give the glory! I ought in justice to say, that, after the sacking and burning of several towns, the Government troops appeared for their protection and drove off some of the enemy.

J. B

June 26. Jason is set at liberty, and we have hopes for John. Owen, Salmon, and Oliver are down with fever (since inserted); Henry doing well.

_______________

¹ "Orson" was Mr. Orson Day, a brother of Mrs. John Brown. The “other six” were probably John Brown, Owen, Frederick, Salmon, Oliver, and Henry Thompson.

² This is all that Brown says in this letter about the events of that night in May when the Doyles were executed. Doubtless his text for the next morning was from the Book of Judges: “Then Gideon took ten men of his servants, and did as the Lord had said unto him; and so it was that he did it by night. And when the men of the city arose early in the morning, behold the altar of Baal was cast down. And they said, one to another, Who hath done this thing? And when they inquired and asked, they said, Gideon, the son of Joash, hath done this thing.”

³ In the original something has been erased after this, to which this note seems to have been appended: “There are but very few who wish real facts about these matters to go out.” Then is inserted the date "June 26," as below.

⁴ John Brown, Jr.'s, own account of this campaign, as given by him to a reporter of the “Cleveland Leader,” April, 1879, is as follows: "During the winter of 1856 I raised a company of riflemen from the Free-State settlers who had their homes in the vicinity of Osawatomie and Pottawatomie Creek, and marched with this company to the defence of Lawrence, May, 1856, but did not reach the latter place in time to save it from being burned by the Missourians at that time. On this march I was joined by three other companies, and was chosen to the command of the combined forces. Returning to our homes, we found them burned to the ground by Buford's men from Alabama, who had marched in from Missouri on our rear. Our cattle and horses were driven off and dispersed, there only being three or four which we ultimately recovered. In that destruction of our houses I lost my library, consisting of about four hundred volumes, which I had been accumulating since I was sixteen. Reaching Osawatomie, my brother Jason and I were arrested on the charge of treason against the United States, by United States troops, acting as posse for the marshal of the Territory, and taken to Paola, where Judge Cato was to hold a preliminary examination; but he did not hold his court. It was from the latter place that I was tied by Captain Wood of the United States cavalry, and driven on foot at the head of the column a distance of nine miles at full trot to Osawatomie. My arms were tied behind me, and so tightly as to check the circulation of the blood, especially in the right arm, causing the rope, which remained on me twenty-seven hours, to sink into the flesh, leaving a mark upon that arm which I have to this day. The captain of that company was, I think, a Georgian, and finally, I believe, entered the Confederate service during the late war. From there we were marched, chained two by two, carrying the chain between us, to a camp near Lecompton, where we met the other treason prisoners and were turned over to the custody of Colonel Sacket, who had command of a regiment of United States cavalry. We were held here until September of 1856, when we were released on bail; and a few days after I took part in the defence of Lawrence against the third attack. At that time Franklin was burned, a few miles front Lawrence.”

⁵ Ten miles west of Osawatomie.

⁶ This town was Palmyra.

⁷ By “he” is apparently meant Captain Shore.

⁸ Brown’s son-in-law, the husband of Ruth Brown.  The agreement with Pate, referred to above is still in existence to confirm this letter; both copies of it having found their way to the Historical Library at Topeka, where Mr. F. G. Adams, the secretary showed  them to me in 1882.  Here is a copy: –

This is an article of agreement between Captains John Brown, Sr., and Samuel T. Shore of the first part, and Captain H. C. Pate and Lientenant W. B. Brockett of the second part: and witnesses that, in consideration of the fact that the parties of the first part have a number of Captain Pate's company prisoners, that they agree to give up and fully liberate one of their prisoners for one of those lately arrested near Stanton, Osawatomie, and Pottawatomie, and so on, one of the former for one of the latter alternately, until all are liberated. It is understood and agreed by the parties that the sons of Captain John Brown, Sr. — Captain John Brown, Jr., and Jason Brown —are to be among the liberated parties (if not already liberated), and are to be exchanged for Captain Pate and Lientenant Brockett, respectively. The prisoners are to be brought on nentral ground and exchanged. It is agreed that the nentral ground shall be at or near the house of John T. (or Ottawa) Jones of this Territory, and that those who have been arrested and have been liberated will be considered in the same light as those not liberated; but they must appear in 1ierson, or answer in writing that they are at liberty. The arms, particularly the side arms of each one exchanged, are to be returned with the prisoners; also the horses, so far as practicable.

(Signed)

Johh BrowN.

S. T. Shore.

H. C. Pate.

W. B. Brockett.

Prairie City, K. T., June 2, 1856.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 236-41