I propose, in order to make this meeting as useful and
interesting as I can, to try and give a correct idea of the condition of things
in Kansas, as they were while I was there, and as I suppose they still are, so
far as the great question at issue is concerned. And here let me remark that in
Kansas the question is never raised of a man, Is he a Democrat? Is he a
Republican? The questions there raised are, Is he a Free-State man? or, Is he a
proslavery man?
I saw, while in Missouri in the fall of 1855, large numbers
on their way to Kansas to vote, and also returning after they had so done, as
they said. I, together with four of my sons, was called out to help defend
Lawrence in the fall of 1855, and travelled most of the way on foot, and during
a dark night, a distance of thirty-five miles, where we were detained with some
five hundred others, or thereabout, from five to fifteen days, — say an average
of ten days, — at a cost to each per day of $1.50 as wages, to say nothing of
the actual loss and suffering it occasioned; many of them leaving their
families at home sick, their crops not secured, their houses unprepared for
winter, and many of them without houses at all. This was the case with myself
and all my sons, who were unable to get any house built after our return. The loss
in that case, as wages alone, would amount to $7,500. Loss and suffering in
consequence cannot be estimated. I saw at that time the body of the murdered
Barber, and was present when his wife and other friends were brought in to see
him as he lay in the clothes he had on when killed, — no very pleasant sight!
I went, in the spring of last year, with some of my sons
among the Buford men, in the character of a surveyor, to see and hear from them
their business into the Territory; this took us from our work. I and numerous
others, in the spring of last year, travelled some ten miles or over on foot,
to meet and advise as to what should be done to meet the gathering storm; this
occasioned much loss of time. I also, with many others, about the same time
travelled on foot a similar distance to attend a meeting of Judge Cato's court,
to find out what kind of laws he intended to enforce; this occasioned further loss
of time. I with six sons and a son-in-law was again called out to defend
Lawrence, May 20 and 21, and travelled most of the way on foot and during the night,
being thirty-five miles. From that date none of us could do any work about our
homes, but lost our whole time until we left, in October last, excepting one of
my sons, who had a few weeks to devote to the care of his own and his brother's
family, who had been burned out of their houses while the two men were
prisoners.
From about the 20th of May of last year hundreds of men like
ourselves lost their whole time, and entirely failed of securing any kind of
crop whatever. I believe it safe to say that five hundred Free-State men lost
each one hundred and twenty days, at $1.50 per day, which would be, to say
nothing of attendant losses, $90,000. I saw the ruins of many Free-State men's
houses at different places in the Territory, together with stacks of grain
wasted and burning, to the amount of, say $50,000; making, in lost time and
destruction of property, more than $150,000. On or about the 30th of May last
two of my sons, with several others, were imprisoned without other crime than
opposition to bogus enactments, and most barbarously treated for a time,—one
being held about one month, the other about four months. Both had their
families in Kansas, and destitute of homes, being burned out after they were
imprisoned. In this burning all the eight were sufferers, as we all had our
effects at the two houses. One of my sons had his oxen taken from him at this
time, and never recovered them. Here is the chain with which one of them was
confined, after the cruelty, sufferings, and anxiety he underwent had rendered
him a maniac, — yes, a maniac.
On the 2d of June last my son-in-law was terribly wounded
(supposed to be mortally), and two other Free-State men, at Black Jack. On the
6th or 7th of June last one of my sons was wounded by accident in camp
(supposed to be mortally), and may prove a cripple for life. In August last I
was present and saw the mangled and shockingly disfigured body of the murdered
Hoyt, of Deerfield, Mass., brought into our camp. I knew him well. I saw
several other Free-State men who were either killed or wounded, whose names I
cannot now remember. I saw Dr. Graham, who was a prisoner with the ruffians on
the 2d of June last, and was present when they wounded him, in an attempt to
kill him, as he was trying to save himself from being murdered by them during
the fight of Black Jack. I know that for much of the time during the last
summer the travel over a portion of the Territory was entirely cut off, and
that none but bodies of armed men dared to move at all. I know that for a
considerable time the mails on different routes were entirely stopped, and that
notwithstanding there were abundant United States troops at hand to escort the
mails, such escorts were not furnished as they might or ought to have been. I
saw while it was standing, and afterward saw the ruins of, a most valuable
house, full of good articles and stores, which had been burned by the ruffians
for a highly civilized, intelligent, and most exemplary Christian Indian, for
being suspected of favoring Free-State men. He is known as Ottawa Jones, or
John T. Jones. In September last I visited a beautiful little Free-State town
called Stanton, on the north side of the Osage or Marais des Cygnes River, as
it is called, from which every inhabitant had fled (being in fear of their
lives), after having built them, at a heavy expense, a strong block-house or
wooden fort for their protection. Many of them had left their effects liable to
be destroyed or carried off, not being able to remove them. This was a most
gloomy scene, and like a visit to a vast sepulchre.
During last summer and fall deserted houses and cornfields
were to be met with in almost every direction south of the Kansas River. I saw
the burning of Osawatomie by a body of some four hundred ruffians, and of
Franklin afterward by some twenty-seven hundred men, — the first-named on
August 30, the last-named September 14 or 15. Governor Geary had been for some
time in the Territory, and might have saved Franklin with perfect ease. It
would not have cost the United States one dollar to have saved Franklin.
I, with five sick and wounded sons and son-in-law, was
obliged for some time to lie on the ground, without shelter, our boots and
clothes worn out, destitute of money, and at times almost in a state of
starvation, and dependent on the charities of the Christian Indian and his wife
whom I before named.1 I saw, in September last, a Mr. Parker, whom I
well know, with his head all bruised over and his throat partly cut, having
before been dragged, while sick, out of the house of Ottawa Jones, the Indian,
when it was burned, and thrown for dead over the bank of the Ottawa Creek.
I saw three mangled bodies of three young men, two of which
were dead and had lain on the open ground for about eighteen hours for the
flies to work at, the other living with twenty buckshot and bullet-holes in
him. One of those two dead was my own son.
_______________
1 Notwithstanding the losses and charities of
this good Indian in 1856, he was the next year in condition to make further
gifts to Brown, as appears by this letter: —
Ottawa Creek, K. T., Oct. 13, 1857.
Mr.
John Brown.
Dear
Sir, — Respecting the account you have against us as a band, I would
respectfully inform you that I have presented the matter before them two or
three different times, and I cannot persuade them but what was paid by them was
all that could be reasonably demanded of them, from the bargain they entered
into with Jones the agent. For my part I think the charge is just, and it ought
to be paid. The Ottawa payment comes off some time this week, and I will
present your case before them again, and do what I can to induce them to attend
to the account, though I entertain no hopes of its being allowed: but nothing
like trying. In contributing my mite in aiding you in your benevolent
enterprise, I enclose you ten dollars on the State Bank of Indiana (I presume
it is good, though hundreds of other banks are worthless), and throw in the
young man's bill and horse-hire, which amounts to four dollars. Accept it, sir,
as a free-will offering from your friend.
Times are coming round favorably in
Kansas. Mr. Parrott for Congress will have 8,000 to 10,000 majority over
Ransom, and both branches of the Legislature the same in proportion. I am quite
encouraged that all things will work together for good for those who are trying
to work out righteousness in the land. May God bless you in your work of benevolence
and philanthropy: and may God reward you more than double for your toil and
losses in the work to bring about liberty for all men! Write me if you can, and
let me know how you are getting along, etc.
I
remain your sincere friend,
John T. Jones.
By "us as a band" is meant the Ottawa tribe of
Indians, and their “payment” was the allowance periodically given to them by
the Federal Government. I saw one of the last nomadic Indians of this tribe
sitting bareheaded on his pony in the busy streets of Ottawa, in August, 1882,
staring with his stolid eye at the white man's way of life.
SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of
John Brown, p. 242-6
