Thomas Smith* to Howell Cobb, June 27, 1848

Versailles [indiana], June 27, ’48.

Dr. Sir: Knowing the tax imposed by business, ceremony, and a little real friendship, on Members of Congress, I have refrained writing to many friends that I really wished to. Under this state of feeling I would not write you or trouble you now if I did not think and fear that a momentous political crisis was about developing that is destined shortly to shake our political fabrick. In this Confederacy the Democratic party, long in the ascendant, has had to conciliate and compromise sectional interests and feelings. In this spirit the Slavery question has been put on the ground of non-interference on the part of the Genl. Govmnt. On that basis the democratic party has planted itself. If it can maintain that position, it is the only position that it can maintain in the free states, and is there a Southern man so blind as not see it and so uninformed as not to know it?

To drive us from this ground, the Whigs and abolitionists have agitated for the last 10 or 15 years. Their denunciation of the South, Southern dictation and Southern influence, has been fierce, and their appeals have been powerful and pathetic in favour of the poor negro. To meet these arguments and such invective has required all the talent and forbearance of the Democratic party. The Democratic free-state creed commends itself strongly to the sober sense of community, and those that attempt to overturn it can't but show the incendiary's torch and the assassin's knife— “in their fury the hope of the Union is lost”. The Democratic South in our conventions, in Congress, and at the ballot box has shown the same conciliatory spirit, — in making our last and former nominations they have been foremost in favor of free-state men. But in the nomination of the present Whig candidate it is manifest to all the people, and they can't but see the finger of the South in it, and the dictatorial and domineering spirit they have shown in forcing their man upon the Convention.

It has forced some fears upon the Democrats, as well as confusion and dismay into the Whig ranks, and utter disgust into the abolition breasts. The consequence of all will be to very much widen the breach between the free and slave states of the Union. In the late Whig convention the South showed neither quarter nor respect to the North. She gave not a vote for a Northern man. . . .

But the point to which I wish to call your attention is this: the fear amongst the democratic party is that the South may so far unite on the nominal Whig candidate as to give him all the South, in disregard of the friendly spirit the free states have always shown you. If this shall be the case I cannot doubt that much democratic sympathy will be lost you, and a falling off amongst your friends in these states, that time can never cure. Because it is so plain the nomination of Taylor is a Southern Whig trick, against the feelings of the Whig party, to catch up other than Whig votes in the South, and against the sense and sentiment of the nation, that union of effort of all parties will be made against the South before his term of office, if elected, shall expire. You know that North nothing but a free-state union of effort is wanting to disfranchise the South, so far as the Presidential office is concerned; and what so well calculated to produce that result as such palpable tricks as the South has just perpetrated in the nomination of a man without talent and the independence to speak out boldly his opinions and his party fealty.

In taking such a man at such a time it must be there is something impure in it. Something behind the curtain. But it will out. If the old General shall ever be called by the people unanimously or spontaneously to the Presidency, he will find the need of opinions and fixed principles. His administration, or that of any man, must proceed upon fixed principles, and the better they are matured the better he will bear up under the responsibilities of the office.

You are aware that every Whig in Congress and out of it in all the free States in the Union by their votes, speeches and action in the primary assemblies, amongst the people, and many of the democrats, are committed to the principles of the Wilmot Proviso, and if Taylor is elected, unless they back out from their present position, which they dare not do, it will be engrafted upon the legislation of the next four years. In this great contest the South brings their General into the field unarmed. His anxiety to lead the motley forces of federalism compels him to put on the no-party badge, and to command without a sword or the armor the Constitution has put upon him for his own protection and that of the States. Mr. Jefferson says: the President's negative was given him for his own protection, the protection of the States and the judiciary, against the aggressions of Congress. But I presume as he has voluntarily divested himself of the protection the Constitution in [vested] him with, to get office, he expects to put it on in the heat and smoke of the battle. Let him not think so. If he does it, he will be shot down by his own forces and confederates; and if Tyler was denounced a traitor, he will be justly denounced an arch traitor. It is distinctly understood he will veto none of the people's measures.

Of the success of the Democratic Ticket, Cass and Butler, in this region there is no room to doubt. I have never seen in favor of any democratic ticket so ardent a spirit manifested by the party. I think in this county there is not a dissenting voice. Indiana may be set down for Cass and Butler by a large majority over all opposition. Even should Hale run, and Mr. Van Buren lead the Barnburners, we can beat them all.

I wish to know from you, my dear sir, what Georgia will do in the premises.

I have bored you with a very prosing long letter.

Our very best respects to your Lady and friends.

_______________

* Congressman from Indiana, 1839-1841 and 1843-1847.

SOURCE: Ulrich Bonnell Phillips, Editor, The Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1911, Volume 2: The Correspondence of Robert Toombs, Alexander H. Stephens, and Howell Cobb, p. 111-3

Amos A. Lawrence, published March 30, 1857

Gentlemen, — Inclosed please find twenty-five dollars toward the fund for the brave Captain John Brown, who may appropriately be called the “Miles Standish” of Kansas. Few persons know the character of this man, or his services; and he is the last one to proclaim his merits. His severe simplicity of habits, his determined energy, his heroic courage in the time of trial, all based on a deep religious faith, make him a true representative of the Puritanic warrior. I knew him before he went to Kansas, and have known more of him since, and should esteem the loss of his services, from poverty, or any other cause, almost irreparable. Perhaps there are those who would come forward and support his family while he gives his time to completing and keeping up the military organization of the Free State men. It would afford me pleasure to be one of ten, or a smaller number, to pay a thousand dollars per annum till the admission of Kansas into the Union, for this purpose.

A. A. L.

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 125; Reprinted from the Boston Telegraph and published in The Kansas Tribune, Lawrence, Kansas, Monday, March 30, 1857.

Amos A. Lawrence to a Quaker of Lynn, Massachusetts: September 24, 1856

Boston, September 24, 1856.

My Dear Sir, — In reply to yours I will say that all money sent to the treasurer of the New England Emigrant Aid Company (myself) will be appropriated as you request. This company has never sent arms nor ammunition. Any supplies of this sort were sent by private individuals. . . . This company is now forwarding clothing, which is very much wanted to enable the settlers, who have been harassed all summer, and have lost their crops partially or wholly, to remain during the winter. Few have money to spare to lay in a stock of new clothes, and they must buy them at a high price, if at all. We have a depository for all this in Iowa, and it will be used only as it is wanted. Shoes. What can Lynn people do so useful as collect all the unsalable shoes, if there are such things, and send them out. They must have them packed in barrels, or you may pack them and mark them Lynn. A dozen or two such boxes would revive their weary soles. Send to T. H. Webb, Emigrant Aid Rooms, 3 Winter Street, Boston. Now is the time. All merchandise must go out at once. In many towns the ladies are having “Bees” to sew for Kansas. In some houses (my own for one) they have packed up everything not in use, and will buy a new stock for themselves. Remember that there are thirty thousand Free State men, women, and children there. Take off your coat, my dear friend, and put on your best one: and take your overcoat and pantaloons; save only one suit for Sunday and week days, and pack up the rest. That will stir up your neighbors to do the same. They will be warmer without them because their hearts will keep them warm all winter, and inside heat is the best and lasts the longest.

Yours very truly,

A. A. L.

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 108

George L. Stearns to the National Kansas Committee, May 10, 1857

Since the close of the last year we have confined our operations to aiding those persons in Kansas who were, or intended to become citizens of the territory, — believing that sufficient inducements to immigrate existed in the prosperous state of affairs there; and we now believe that should quiet and prosperity continue there for another year, the large influx of Northern and Eastern men will secure the state for freedom. To insure the present prosperity we propose:—

I. To have our legislature make a grant of one hundred thousand dollars, to be placed in the hands of discreet persons, who shall use it for the relief of those in Kansas who are, or may become, destitute through Border-ruffian outrage. We think it will be done.

II. To organize a secret force, well armed, and under control of the famous John Brown, to repel Border-ruffian outrage and defend the Free-state men from all alleged impositions. This organization is strictly to be a defensive one.

III. To aid by timely donations of money those parties of settlers in the territory who from misfortune are unable to provide for their present wants.

I am personally acquainted with Captain Brown, and have great confidence in his courage, prudence, and good judgment. He has control of the whole affair, including contributions of arms, clothing, etc. His presence in the territory will, we think, give the Free-state men confidence in their cause, and also check the disposition of the Border-ruffians to impose on them. This I believe to be the most important work to be done in Kansas at the present time. Many of the Free-state leaders, being engaged in speculations, are willing to accept peace on any terms. Brown and his friends will hold to the original principle of making Kansas free, without regard to private interests. If you agree with me, I should like to have your money appropriated for the use of Captain John Brown. If not that, the other proposition, to aid parties of settlers now in the territory, will be the next best.

George L. Stearns.

SOURCE: Frank Preston Stearns, The Life and Public Services of George Luther Stearns, p. 139-40

John Brown to His Family, January 11, 1859

Osawatomie, Kansas, Jan. 11, 1859.

Dear Children, All, — I have but a moment in which to tell you that I am in middling health; but have not been able to tell you as yet where to write me. This I hope will be different soon. I suppose you get Kansas news generally through the papers.¹ May God ever bless you all!

Your affectionate father,

John Brown.

______________

¹ They would thus learn that he had made his foray, and that both Governor Medary of Kansas and President Buchanan had set a price on his head. Charles Robinson's account of this foray (published twenty years later in the “Topeka Commonwealth”) is characteristic: “Brown and his heroes went over the line into Missouri, killed an old peaceable citizen, and robbed him of all the personal effects they could drive or carry away. Such proceedings caused the Free-State men to organize to drive him from the Territory; and he went to Harper's Ferry, where he displayed his wonderful generalship in committing suicide.”

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 489-90

John Brown's Parallels, January 1859

Trading Post, Kansas, January, 1859.

Gentlemen, — You will greatly oblige a humble friend by allowing the use of your columns while I briefly state two parallels, in my poor way.

Not one year ago eleven quiet citizens of this neighborhood, — William Robertson, William Colpetzer, Amos Hall, Austin Hall, John Campbell, Asa Snyder, Thomas Stilwell, William Hairgrove, Asa Hairgrove, Patrick Ross, and B. L. Reed, — were gathered up from their work and their homes by an armed force under one Hamilton, and without trial or opportunity to speak in their own defence were formed into line, and all but one shot, — five killed and five wounded. One fell unharmed, pretending to be dead. All were left for dead. The only crime charged against them was that of being Free-State men. Now, I inquire what action has ever, since the occurrence in May last, been taken by either the President of the United States, the Governor of Missouri, the Governor of Kansas, or any of their tools, or by any proslavery or Administration man, to ferret out and punish the perpetrators of this crime?

Now for the other parallel.¹ On Sunday, December 19, a negro man called Jim came over to the Osage settlement, from Missouri, and stated that he, together with his wife, two children, and another negro man, was to be sold within a day or two, and begged for help to get away. On Monday (the following) night, two small companies were made up to go to Missouri and forcibly liberate the live slaves, together with other slaves. One of these companies I assumed to direct. We proceeded to the place, surrounded the buildings, liberated the slaves, and also took certain property supposed to belong to the estate. We however learned before leaving that a portion of the articles we had taken belonged to a man living on the plantation as a tenant, and who was supposed to have no interest in the estate. We promptly returned to him all we had taken. We then went to another plantation, where we found five more slaves, took some property and two white men. We moved all slowly away into the Territory for some distance, and then sent the white men back, telling them to follow us as soon as they chose to do so. The other company freed one female slave, took some property, and, as I am informed, killed one white man (the master), who fought against the liberation.

Now for a comparison. Eleven persons are forcibly restored to their natural and inalienable rights, with but one man killed, and all “hell is stirred from beneath.” It is currently reported that the Governor of Missouri has made a requisition upon the Governor of Kansas for the delivery of all such as were concerned in the last named “dreadful outrage.” The Marshal of Kansas is said to be collecting a posse of Missouri (not Kansas) men at West Point, in Missouri, a little town about ten miles distant, to “enforce the laws.” All proslavery, conservative, Free-State, and dough-face men and Administration tools are filled with holy horror.

Consider the two cases, and the action of the Administration party.

Respectfully yours,

John Brown.

_______________

¹ On the back of the original draft of “Old Brown’s Parallels,” in Brown’s handwriting, is the following indorsement by him in pencil of stations on the “Underground Railroad” through Kansas:—

Raynard, Holton, Nemaha City.

Dr. Fuller, six miles. On River Road,

Martin Stowell, Mount Vernon

Smith, Walnut Creek, fifteen.

Mills and Graham (attorneys), Albany, twenty-five.

Dr. Whitenger and Sibley, Nebraska City.

Mr. Vincent, Ira Reed, Mr. Gardner.

Besides these entries appear the following: —

Teamsters, Dr. To cash each, $1.00	$2.00
Linsley, Dr. at Smith's	1.00

On the other end of the same page, —

Cash received by J. Brown on his private account, of J. H. Painter on note	$100.00
Cash received by J. Brown on his private account, of J H. Painter for saddle	10.00
Cash received by J. Brown on his private account, of J. H. Painter for wagon	38.10

“J. Brown paid for company: For G. Gill, $5.70; to Penree, $39.00; to Painter, $8.00; to Townsend for shoes, $1.65; to Pearce, $3.00; to Carpenter, $10.00; to Kagi, $8.00; to Carpenter for making shirts, $2.00.”

These are part of the cost of the journey, no doubt.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 481-3

John Brown to Franklin B. Sanborn et al, July 20, 1858

Missouri Line (on Kansas Side), July 20, 1858.

F. B. Sanborn, Esq., And Friends At Boston And WorcesTer, — I am here with about ten of my men, located on the same quarter-section where the terrible murders of the 19th of May were committed, called the Hamilton or trading-post murders. Deserted farms and dwellings lie in all directions for some miles along the line, and the remaining inhabitants watch every appearance of persons moving about, with anxious jealousy and vigilance. Four of the persons wounded or attacked on that occasion are staying with me. The blacksmith Snyder, who fought the murderers, with his brother and son, are of the number. Old Mr. Hairgrove, who was terribly wounded at the same time, is another. The blacksmith returned here with me, and intends to bring back his family on to his claim within two or three days. A constant fear of new troubles seems to prevail on both sides of the line, and on both sides are companies of armed men. Any little affair may open the quarrel afresh. Two murders and cases of robbery are reported of late. I have also a man with me who lied from his family and farm in Missouri but a day or two since, his life being threatened on account of being accused of informing Kansas men of the whereabouts of one of the murderers, who was lately taken and brought to this side. I have concealed the fact of my presence pretty much, lest it should tend to create excitement; but it is getting leaked out, and will soon be known to all. As I am not here to seek or secure revenge, I do not mean to be the first to reopen the quarrel. How soon it may be raised against me I cannot say; nor am I over anxious. A portion of my men arc in other neighborhoods. We shall soon be in great want of a small amount in a draft or drafts on New York, to feed us. We cannot work for wages, and provisions are not easily obtained on the frontier.

I cannot refrain from quoting, or rather referring to, a notice of the terrible affair before alluded to, in an account found in the “New York Tribune” of May 31, dated at Westport, May 21. The writer says: “From one of the prisoners it was ascertained that a number of persons were stationed at Snyder's, a short distance from the Post, a house built in the gorge of two mounds, and flanked by rock-walls, — a fit place for robbers and murderers.” At a spring in a rocky ravine stands a very small open blacksmith's-shop, made of thin slabs from a saw-mill. This is the only building that has ever been known to stand there, and in that article is called a “fortification.” It is today, just as it was on the 19th of May, — a little pent-up shop, containing Snyder's tools (what have not been carried off) all covered with rust, — and had never been thought of as a “fortification” before the poor man attempted in it his own and his brother's and son's defence. I give this as an illustration of the truthfulness of that whole account. It should be left to stand while it may last, and should be known hereafter as Fort Snyder.

I may continue here for some time. Mr. Russell and other friends at New Haven assured me before I left, that if the Lecompton abomination should pass through Congress something could be done there to relieve me from a difficulty I am in, and which they understand. Will not some of my Boston friends “stir up their minds” in the matter? I do believe they would be listened to.¹

You may use this as you think best. Please let friends in New York and at North Elba² hear from me. I am not very stout; have much to think of and to do, and have but little time or chance for writing. The weather, of late, has been very hot. I will write you all when I can.

I believe all honest, sensible Free-State men in Kansas consider George Washington Brown's “Herald of Freedom” one of the most mischievous, traitorous publications in the whole country.

_______________

¹ The allusion here 1s to Brown's contract with Charles Blair, who was to make the thousand pikes. Brown had not been able, for lack of money, to complete the payment, and was afraid his contract would he forfeited, and the money paid would be lost. He therefore communicated the facts to Mr. Russell, who was then the head of a military school at New Haven, and had some assurance from him of money to be raised in Connecticut to meet this contract.

² Gerrit Smith, and his own family.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 474-6

Samuel Lyle Adiar to John Brown, October 2, 1857

Osawatomie, K. T., Oct. 2, 1857.

Mr. J. B.

Dear Friend, — Yours of September 5 was received yesterday, having been mailed at Lawrence the day before. Your whereabouts had for some time been to us unknown. The letter you sent to “Mr. Addis” was forwarded to me in the latter part of June.¹ I secured the sum of money requested, but the men failed to go. I was in Lawrence about a month since; Mr. Whitman was East. “Mr. Addis” said that the last he had heard of you, you had gone to Chicago, but expected you would return to Tabor again before long; thought some persons would go and meet you, — talked some of going himself. You desire much a personal interview with me, and also definite information about matters as they “really are” now in the Territory. As to a personal interview, I should be happy to have one; but the state of my own health and of my family forbids my going to Tabor at present. For nearly five weeks past I have spent most of my time in taking care of the sick, when able to do anything. I had a man hired to work for me, who about the 1st of September was taken very sick (fever and internal inflammation); has been better, and again worse, and is still dangerous. I was absent nearly one week at Lecompton, as a witness in the case of the Osawatomie town site; some outsiders having tried to preempt a part of it. Had to hire a man during my absence, to take care of the sick man. Since my return I have been much troubled with illness, sometimes severe when I exercise much. Florella and the babe have very sore throats; the babe is teething, has chills sometimes, and requires much care. Charles and Emma are well at present. Mrs. Garrison² and babe have been with us since the first of June until last week. She came back, went to Lecompton to preempt her claim in June, just before the land-office closed; but did not succeed, because I could not swear that she had as a widow built, or caused to be built, a house on the claim. The house her husband built they would not recognize as being built by her “as a widow.” She had to return and have another built, which has been done. She went last week and preempted, and has returned to Ohio. For a number of weeks before she left she and her babe had both been sick. Though we have not had much sickness among the members of our own family proper, yet we are in a measure worn out taking care of the sick. We greatly feel the need of rest and quiet. There is a good deal of sickness around, — chiefly among the more recent emigrants. It has been drier here this year than last. My corn and potatoes are almost an entire failure. Mine were planted early; later crops have done better.

As to political matters, I have my own views of things. Walker has disgraced himself, — has not fulfilled a pledge made in his Topeka speech; indeed, I never had confidence to believe be would. But the Free-State men have determined to go into the October election, and many are sanguine that they will carry it. I may be disappointed, but cannot see things in so favorable a light as they do. An invasion such as we had in '54 and '55 I do not expect; but doubtless many voters from slave States will be smuggled in, and fraudulent returns will be made; nor do I suppose it will be possible for the Free-State men to show up the frauds so as to gain their ends. The showing up of frauds does not amount to much where those who are to decide upon the frauds are abettors or perpetrators of them, and the highest rewards are given from headquarters for the most bold and outrageous perpetrators. Hence I rather expect that the proslavery men will carry the day October 5. If disappointed, I shall rejoice. What course things will take if the Free-State men fail, I do not know. Some prophesy trouble right along. This would not surprise me were it to occur. But I would deplore a renewal of war. If it is to be commenced again, the boil had better be probed in the centre, at Washington, where the corruption is the worst. The proslavery men in the Territory are but petty tools.

No recent word from Hudson, Akron, or Grafton. We have now a tri-weekly mail to Westport, and also to Lawrence; mails generally regular. I know of no means of sending you by private conveyance. Send by mail, addressing on the envelope as you requested.

S. L. Adair.

P. S. A letter from you to me by mail would probably reach me without much risk.

_______________

¹ I suppose “Mr. Addis” was W. A. Phillips.

² Widow of a neighbor killed August 80, 1856.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 415-7

John Brown to Franklin B. Sanborn, August 13, 1857

Tabor, Fremont County, Iowa, Aug. 13, 1857.

Much as I love to communicate with you, it is still a great burden for me to write when I have nothing of interest to say, and when there is something to be active about. Since I left New England I have had a good deal of ill-health; and having in good measure exhausted my available means toward purchasing such supplies as I should certainly need if again called into active service, and without which I could accomplish next to nothing, I had to begin my journey back with not more than half money at any time to bear my expenses through and pay my freights. This being the case, I was obliged to stop at different points on the way, and to go to others off the route to solicit help. At most places I raised a little; but it consumed my time, and my unavoidable expenses so nearly kept pace with my incomes that I found it exceedingly discouraging. With the help of Gerrit Smith, who supplied me with sixty dollars at Peterboro', and two hundred and fifty dollars at Chicago, and other smaller amounts from others, I was able to pay freights and other expenses to this place; hiring a man to drive one team, and driving another myself; and had about twenty-five dollars on hand, with about one hundred dollars' worth of provisions, when I reached here. Among all the good friends who had promised to go with me, not one could I get to stick by me and assist me on my way through. I have picked up, at different times on the way, considerable value in articles (indispensable in active service) which were scattered on the way, and had been provided either by or for the National Committee. On reaching here I found one hundred and ten dollars, sent me by Mr. Whitman, from sale of articles in Kansas, sent there by the National Committee. This is all the money I have got from them on their appropriation at New York. On the road one of my horses hurt himself so badly that I lost about ten days in consequence, not being in condition to go on without him, or to buy or to hire another. I find the arms and ammunition voted me by the Massachusetts State Committee nearly all here, and in middling good order, — some a little rusted. Have overhauled and cleaned up the worst of them, and am now waiting to know what is best to do next, or for a little escort from Kansas, should I and the supplies be needed. I am now at last within a kind of hailing distance of our Free-State friends in Kansas.

On the way from Iowa City I and my third son (the hired man I mentioned), in order to make the little funds we had reach as far as possible, and to avoid notice, lived exclusively on herring, soda crackers, and sweetened water for more than three weeks (sleeping every night in our wagons), except that twice we got a little milk, and a few times some boiled eggs. Early in the season, in consequence of the poor encouragement I met with, and of their own losses and sufferings, my sons declined to return; and my wife wrote me as follows: “The boys have all determined both to practise and learn war no more.” This I said nothing about, lest it should prevent my getting any further supplies. After leaving New England I could not get the scratch of a pen to tell whether anything had been deposited at Hartford, from New Haven and other places, for me or not; until, since I came here, a line comes from Mr. Callender, dated 24th July, saying nothing has been deposited, in answer to one I had written June 22, in which he further says he has answered all my letters. The parting with my wife and young uneducated children, without income, supplies of clothing, provisions, or even a comfortable house to live in, or money to provide such things, with at least a fair chance that it was to be a last and final separation, had lain heavily on me, and was about as much a matter of self-sacrifice and self-devotion on the part of my wife as on my own, and about as much her act as my own. When Mr. Lawrence, of his own accord, proposed relieving me on that score, it greatly eased a burdened spirit; but I did not rely upon it absolutely, nor make any certain bargain on the strength of it, until after being positively assured by Mr. Stearns, in writing, that it should, and by yourself that it would, certainly be done.

It was the poor condition of my noble-hearted wife and of her young children that made me follow up that encouragement with a tenacity that disgusted him and completely exhausted his patience. But after such repeated assurances from friends I so much respected that I could not suspect they would trifle with my feelings, I made a positive bargain for the farm; and when I found nothing for me at Peterboro', I borrowed one hundred and ten dollars of Mr. Smith for the men who occupied the farm, telling him it would certainly be refunded, and the others that they would get all their money very soon, and even before I left the country. This has brought me only extreme mortification and depression of feeling; for all my letters from home, up to the last, say not a dime has been paid in to Mr. Smith. Friends who never know the lack of a sumptuous dinner little comprehend the value of such trifling matters to persons circumstanced as I am. But, my noble-hearted friend, I am “though faint, yet pursuing.” My health has been much better of late. I believe my anxiety and discouragements had something to do with repeated returns of fever and ague I have had, as it tended to deprive me of sleep and to debilitate me. I intend this letter as a kind of report of my progress and success, as much for your committee or my friend Stearns as yourself. I have been joined by a friend since I got here, and get no discouraging news from Kansas.

Your friend,

J. Brown

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 412-4

Richard Realf to John Brown, July 6, 1857

Tabor, Iowa, July 6, 1857.

John Brown, Esq.

Dear Sir, — I arrived here to-day from Lawrence, bringing $150 minus my expenses up and down. These will amount to about $40, leaving you $110. Mr. Whitman could not, as you will see from his note signed “Edmunds,” spare you more; and the mule team you asked for could not be procured. I am sorry you have not arrived: I should like to have gone back with you. The Governor has instructed the Attorney-General of Kansas to enter a nolle prosequi in the case of the Free-State prisoners; so that you need be under no apprehension of insecurity as to yourself or the munitions you may bring with you. By writing a line to me or Mr. Whitman or Phillips at Lawrence immediately on your arrival here, we will come and meet you by way of Topeka. God speed you!

Truly,

Richard Realf.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 398

Augustus Wattles to John Brown, August 21, 1857

Lawrence, K. T., Aug. 21, 1857.

Dear Sir — Your favor of August 8 came duly to hand, as did yours to Dr. Prentice. The business you speak of was put into the hands of Mr. Realf. Mr. Whitman and Mr. Edmonds¹ are both gone East. In regard to other inquiries, I can hardly tell you satisfactorily. I think Dr. Robinson's failure to meet the legislature last winter disheartened the people so that they lost confidence in him and in the movement. Although in the Convention we invited him to withdraw his resignation (which he did), yet the masses could never be vitalized again into that enthusiasm and confidence which they had before. Another mistake which he made, equally fatal, was his attack upon George W. Brown and the Herald of Freedom; “thus leading off his friends into a party by themselves, and leaving all who doubted and hated him in another party. This war between the leaders settled the question of resistance to outside authority at once. Those who had entertained the idea of resistance have entirely abandoned it. Dr. Robinson was not alone in his blunders. Colonel Lane, Mr. Phillips, and ‘The Republican’” made equally fatal ones. Colonel Lane boasted in his public speeches that the Constitutional Convention would be driven into the Kaw River, etc., by violence. Mr. Phillips boasted this, and much more, in the “New York Tribune.” “The Republican” boasted that old Captain Brown would be down on Governor Walker and Co. like an avenging god, etc. This excited Walker and others to that degree they at once took refuge under the United States troops. Whatever might have been intended, much more was threatened and boasted of than could possibly have been performed, unless there was an extensive conspiracy. This, I believe, Governor Walker says was the case.

I saw Conway to-day. He says he thinks all will go off quietly at the election. Phillips, you will see by the “Tribune,” has come out in favor of voting in October. They intend to cheat us; but we expect to beat them. Walker is as fair as be can be, under the circumstances.

Yours truly,

A. Wattles.²

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¹ Two names for the same man.

² Indorsed by John Brown: “A. Wattles, No. 6.” The rest of these letters are not in my hands. The election mentioned was to occur in October, and was carried by the Free-State men. “Walker” was the new Governor, — R. J, Walker, of Pennsylvania.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 394-5

Augustus Wattles to John Brown [alias James Smith], June 18, 1857

Lawrence, K. T., Jane 18, 1857.

James Smith, Esq.

Dear Sir, — Your favor of the 3d instant was duly received. I am much pleased to hear from you. We talked over matters here, and concluded to say, come as quietly as possible, or not come at present, as you may choose. Holmes is at Emporia, plowing; Conway is here, talking politics; Phillips is here, trying to urge the Free-State men to galvanize the Topeka constitution into life. Dr. Robinson's absence at the assembling of the Free-State Legislature last winter dispirited the Free-State party. It is difficult to make them rally again under him. Foster I do not know. Frazee has not returned. The others are as you left them. We are prospering finely. You will hear much against G. W. Brown and the “Herald of Freedom,” but be careful about believing it. Brown is as good as ever.

Most truly your friend,

Augustus Wattles.¹

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¹ Indorsed by John Brown: “A. Wattles, No. 2. Requires no reply.”

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 394

John Brown [alias James Smith] to Augustus Wattles, June 3, 1857

Hudson, Ohio, June 3, 1857.

My Dear Sir, — I write to say that I started for Kansas some three weeks or more since, but have been obliged to stop for the fever and ague. I am now righting up, and expect to be on my way again soon. Free-State men need have no fear of my desertion. There are some half-dozen men I want a visit from at Tabor, Iowa, to come off in the most Quiet Way; namely, Daniel Foster, late of Boston, Massachusetts; Holmes, Frazee, a Mr. Hill, and William David, on Little Ottawa Creek; a Mr. Cochran, on Pottawatomie Creek; or I would like equally well to see Dr. Updegraff and S. H. Wright, of Osawatomie; or William Phillips, or Conway, or your honor. I have some very important matters to confer with some of you about. Let there be no words about it. Should any of you come out to see me, wait at Tabor if you get there first. Mr. Adair, at Osawatomie, may supply fifty dollars (if need be) for expenses, on my account, on presentation of this. Write me at Tabor, Iowa, Fremont County.

Very respectfully yours,

James Smith.¹

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¹ The persons mentioned in this letter were supposed by Brown to be specially friendly and true to him. Foster was a clergyman, formerly settled at Concord, Mass., but then in Kansas. Holmes was Brown's lientenant in 1856, and afterward in 1858-59. Frazee was Brown's teamster and soldier in 1856, and fought at Black Jack, as did B. L. Cochran. Dr. Updegraff fought at Osawatomie. Concerning David, Hill, and Wright I have little information. Phillips was afterwards Congressman.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 393

James H. Holmes to John Brown, 3 p.m., April 30, 1857

Lawrence, Kan., 3 o'clock, P. M., April 30, 1857.

Dear Friend Brown, — This morning I received your letter which came by the way of Tabor, and also your letter which came through the mail. I had previously written you a short letter. I now write to let you know that I have received them, and to answer them hastily; though I presume you will leave Springfield for Kansas ere this reaches you. I do not think there is any disposition to “back down” by the Free-State men, other than by the speculators; and they are, as a class, never to be relied on, of course. I have full faith in the virtue of the Free-State men of Kansas. You have something to learn in the political world here.

You will hear of me either at Lawrence, through J. E. Cook, of the firm of Bacon, Cook, &. Co., or I may be at Emporia, where I have taken a claim and make it my home. At any rate, Cook can tell you where I may be. A case has recently occurred of kidnapping a Free-State man, which is this: Archibald Kandell, a young fellow who came in with Redpath under Eldridge, last fall, and has been all winter on a claim near Osawatomie, was some two weeks since enticed out under pretence of trading horses, by four men, and abducted into Missouri. Archy was in my company, and is a good brave fellow. How long he is to remain incarcerated and in chains I will not in this place and time attempt to predict.

Judge Conway is here, radical and right. Dr. Robinson recently made a proposition with some leading proslavery men to compromise. The Free-State men won't do it. We are talking of running Phillips for governor next fall.

Very truly your constant friend,

James.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 392-3

James H. Holmes to John Brown, April 30, 1857

Lawrence, Kansas, April 30, 1857.

My Dear Friend Brown, — I have been anxiously expecting to hear from you direct, but have only heard through Mr. Wattles. I want to see you as soon as possible after you arrive in the Territory. I have settled at Emporia, six miles above the junction of the Neosho and the Cottonwood. My address is either Emporia or Lawrence, as you may choose. My letters all come and go safe. War, ere six months shall have passed away, is inevitable. Secretary Stanton has made a public speech in Lawrence, and says that those laws (the bogus) shall be enforced, and that the taxes shall be paid. The people shout, “Never!” “Then,” he says, “there is war between you and me, — war to the knife, and the knife to the hilt.” There will be no voting; no paying of taxes; and I think the Free-State men will remove the Territorial Government and set up their own. Then we want you. Please write. All your friends, as far as I know, are well.

Very truly yours,

James H. Holmes.¹

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¹ Holmes was at this time nineteen years old, the son of a New York broker, and had gone to Kansas to aid the cause of freedom. He has since been a journalist, and under President Lincoln was secretary of New Mexico. Brown used to call him “my little hornet.”

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 391-2

John Brown [alias Nelson Hawkins] to Augustus Wattles, April 8, 1857

Boston, Mass., April 8, 1857.

My Dear Sir, — Your favor of the 15th March, and that of friend Holmes of the 16th, I have just received. I cannot express my gratitude for them both. They give me just that kind of news I was most of all things anxious to hear. I bless God that he has not left the Free-State men of Kansas to pollute themselves by the foul and loathsome embrace of the old rotten whore. I have been trembling all along lest they might “back down” from the high and holy ground they had taken. I say, in view of the wisdom, firmness, and patience of my friends and fellow-sufferers in the cause of humanity, let God's name be eternally praised! I would most gladly give my hand to all whose “garments are not defiled;” and I humbly trust that I shall soon again have opportunity to rejoice (or suffer further if need be) with you in the strife between heaven and hell. I wish to send my most cordial and earnest salutation to every one of the chosen. My efforts this way have not been altogether fruitless. I wish yon and friend Holmes both to accept this for the moment; may write soon again, and hope to hear from you both at Tabor, Fremont County, Iowa, — care of Jonas Jones, Esq.

Your sincere friend,

Nelson Hawkins.

Augustus Wattles, Esq., Lawrence, K. T.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 391

George L. Stearns to the National Kansas Committee in New York City, May 10, 1857

Since the close of the last year we have confined our operations to aiding those persons in Kansas who were, or intended to become citizens of the territory, — believing that sufficient inducements to immigrate existed in the prosperous state of affairs there; and we now believe that should quiet and prosperity continue there for another year, the large influx of Northern and Eastern men will secure the state for freedom. To insure the present prosperity we propose:—

I. To have our legislature make a grant of one hundred thousand dollars, to be placed in the hands of discreet persons, who shall use it for the relief of those in Kansas who are, or may become, destitute through Border-ruffian outrage. We think it will be done.

II. To organize a secret force, well armed, and under control of the famous John Brown, to repel Border-ruffian outrage and defend the Free-state men from all alleged impositions. This organization is strictly to be a defensive one.

III. To aid by timely donations of money those parties of settlers in the territory who from misfortune are unable to provide for their present wants.

I am personally acquainted with Captain Brown, and have great confidence in his courage, prudence, and good judgment. He has control of the whole affair, including contributions of arms, clothing, etc. His presence in the territory will, we think, give the Free-state men confidence in their cause, and also check the disposition of the Border-ruffians to impose on them. This I believe to be the most important work to be done in Kansas at the present time. Many of the Free-state leaders, being engaged in speculations, are willing to accept peace on any terms. Brown and his friends will hold to the original principle of making Kansas free, without regard to private interests. If you agree with me, I should like to have your money appropriated for the use of Captain John Brown. If not that, the other proposition, to aid parties of settlers now in the territory, will be the next best.

George L. Stearns.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 386-7 which states the date of this letter as May 18, 1857; Frank Preston Stearns, The Life and Public Services of George Luther Stearns, p. 139-40 which dates the letter as May 10, 1857 for which I give more weight being written by son of the letter’s author.

George L. Stearns to John Brown, April 15, 1857

Boston, April 15, 1857.

Dear Sir, — By the enclosed vote of the 11th instant we place in your hands one hundred Sharpe's rifles to be sold in conformity therewith, and wish you to use the proceeds for the benefit of the Free-State men in Kansas; keeping an account of your doings as far as practicable. Also a vote placing a further sum of five hundred dollars at your disposal, for which you can, in need, pass your draft on our treasurer, P. T. Jackson, Esq.

Truly yours,

George L. Stearns,

Chairman Massachusetts State Kansas Committee.

Mr. John Brown,

Massasoit House, Springfield, Mass.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 385

Henry H. Williams to John Brown, October 12, 1857

Osawatomie, Oct. 12, 1857.

Captain Brown.

Dear Sir, — Learning that there is a messenger in town from you, I will take the opportunity to drop you a line. We are just through with the October election, and as far as this county is concerned it went off bright. This was owing in a great measure to our thorough military organization here, and the well-known reputation that our boys have for fighting. There were about four hundred and twenty-five votes cast in this county: about three hundred and fifty Free-State. I have a company organized here of about eighty men, and we drilled twice a week for several weeks previous to election, which no doubt had a wholesome effect upon the borderers. Our company is a permanent institution. We have sent on to St. Louis for three drums and two fifes. We are very poorly supplied with arms. However, I understand that you have some arms with you which you intend to bring into the Territory. I hope that you will not forget the boys here, a considerable number of whom have smelt gunpowder, and have had their courage tried on several occasions. I do not like to boast, but I think we have some of the best fighting stock here that there is in the Territory. Speaking of arms reminds me that there was a box containing five dozen revolvers sent to you at Lawrence last fall to be distributed by you to your boys. K. and W. — two renegade Free-State men from here — went up to Lawrence about that time, told a pitiful tale, and said that they were your boys; and the committee that had the revolvers in charge gave them each one, and a Sharpe's rifle. A few days after, I was in Lawrence, and applied to the committee to know if they intended to distribute the revolvers; if they did, that I would like to have one. They refused, however, to let me have one, because forsooth I could not tell as big a yarn about what I had done for the Free-State cause as K. and W. could. I have since learned that the committee have distributed the revolvers to the “Stubs” and others about Lawrence, with the understanding that they are to return them at your order. But I think it is doubtful if you get them. There has been plenty of Sharpe's rifles and other arms distributed at Manhattan and other points remote from the Border, where they never have any disturbances, and a Border Ruffian is a curiosity; while along the Border here, where we are liable to have an outbreak at any time, we have had no arms distributed at all.

Two or three weeks before election I visited the Border counties south of this, and organized a company of one hundred men on the Little Osage, and a company on Sugar Creek; also at Stanton and on the Pottawatomie above this point. According to the election returns, we have done much better in this and the Border counties south than they have in the Border counties north of this point. The boys would like to see you and shake you by the hand once more. Nearly all would unite in welcoming you back here; those that would not, you have nothing to fear from in this locality. The sentiment of the people and the strength and energy of the Free-State party here exercise a wholesome restraint upon those having Border Ruffian proclivities.

Yours as of old for the right,

HENRy H. Williams.¹

_______________

¹ This letter was addressed “To Captain John Brown, Tabor, Fremont County, Iowa,” and among Brown's papers was accompanied with the following memorandum of the distribution made at Lawrence of the arms which Mr. Williams mentions, and which are the same spoken of by Mr. White in his testimony on page 342.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 364-6

Endorsement of Governor Salmon P. Chase, December 20, 1856

Columbus, Dec. 20, 1856.

Captain John Brown, of Kansas Territory, is commended to me by a highly reputable citizen of this State as a gentleman every way worthy of entire confidence. I have also seen a letter from Governor Charles Robinson, whose handwriting I recognize, speaking of Captain Brown and his services to the cause of the Free-State men in Kansas in terms of the warmest commendation. Upon these testimonials I cordially recommend him to the confidence and regard of all who desire to see Kansas a free State.

S. P. Chase.¹

________________

¹ This eminent man, afterward Senator from Ohio and Chief-Justice of the United States, sent another letter to Brown six months later, but while he was still Governor of Ohio. It is interesting as showing that Governor Chase either did not know or did not choose to recognize the alias of “Nelson Hawkins,” by which Brown was then addressed to avoid the opening of his letters by proslavery postmasters.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 363