Versailles [indiana], June 27, ’48.
Dr. Sir: Knowing
the tax imposed by business, ceremony, and a little real friendship, on Members
of Congress, I have refrained writing to many friends that I really wished to.
Under this state of feeling I would not write you or trouble you now if I did
not think and fear that a momentous political crisis was about developing that
is destined shortly to shake our political fabrick. In this Confederacy the
Democratic party, long in the ascendant, has had to conciliate and compromise
sectional interests and feelings. In this spirit the Slavery question has been
put on the ground of non-interference on the part of the Genl. Govmnt. On that
basis the democratic party has planted itself. If it can maintain that
position, it is the only position that it can maintain in the free states, and
is there a Southern man so blind as not see it and so uninformed as not to know
it?
To drive us from this ground, the Whigs and abolitionists
have agitated for the last 10 or 15 years. Their denunciation of the South,
Southern dictation and Southern influence, has been fierce, and their appeals
have been powerful and pathetic in favour of the poor negro. To meet
these arguments and such invective has required all the talent and forbearance
of the Democratic party. The Democratic free-state creed commends itself
strongly to the sober sense of community, and those that attempt to overturn it
can't but show the incendiary's torch and the assassin's knife— “in
their fury the hope of the Union is lost”. The Democratic South in our
conventions, in Congress, and at the ballot box has shown the same conciliatory
spirit, — in making our last and former nominations they have been foremost in
favor of free-state men. But in the nomination of the present Whig candidate
it is manifest to all the people, and they can't but see the finger of the
South in it, and the dictatorial and domineering spirit they have shown in
forcing their man upon the Convention.
It has forced some fears upon the Democrats, as well as
confusion and dismay into the Whig ranks, and utter disgust into the abolition
breasts. The consequence of all will be to very much widen the breach between
the free and slave states of the Union. In the late Whig convention the South
showed neither quarter nor respect to the North. She gave not a vote for a Northern
man. . . .
But the point to which I wish to call your attention is
this: the fear amongst the democratic party is that the South may so far unite
on the nominal Whig candidate as to give him all the South, in disregard of the
friendly spirit the free states have always shown you. If this shall be the
case I cannot doubt that much democratic sympathy will be lost you, and a
falling off amongst your friends in these states, that time can never cure. Because
it is so plain the nomination of Taylor is a Southern Whig trick,
against the feelings of the Whig party, to catch up other than Whig votes in
the South, and against the sense and sentiment of the nation, that union of
effort of all parties will be made against the South before his term of office,
if elected, shall expire. You know that North nothing but a free-state union of
effort is wanting to disfranchise the South, so far as the Presidential office
is concerned; and what so well calculated to produce that result as such
palpable tricks as the South has just perpetrated in the nomination of a man
without talent and the independence to speak out boldly his opinions and his
party fealty.
In taking such a man at such a time it must be there is
something impure in it. Something behind the curtain. But it will out. If the
old General shall ever be called by the people unanimously or spontaneously
to the Presidency, he will find the need of opinions and fixed principles.
His administration, or that of any man, must proceed upon fixed principles, and
the better they are matured the better he will bear up under the
responsibilities of the office.
You are aware that every Whig in Congress and out of it in
all the free States in the Union by their votes, speeches and action in the
primary assemblies, amongst the people, and many of the democrats, are
committed to the principles of the Wilmot Proviso, and if Taylor is
elected, unless they back out from their present position, which they dare not
do, it will be engrafted upon the legislation of the next four years. In this
great contest the South brings their General into the field unarmed. His
anxiety to lead the motley forces of federalism compels him to put on the
no-party badge, and to command without a sword or the armor the Constitution
has put upon him for his own protection and that of the States. Mr. Jefferson
says: the President's negative was given him for his own protection, the
protection of the States and the judiciary, against the aggressions of
Congress. But I presume as he has voluntarily divested himself of the
protection the Constitution in [vested] him with, to get office, he expects to
put it on in the heat and smoke of the battle. Let him not think so. If he does
it, he will be shot down by his own forces and confederates; and if Tyler was
denounced a traitor, he will be justly denounced an arch traitor. It is
distinctly understood he will veto none of the people's measures.
Of the success of the Democratic Ticket, Cass and Butler, in
this region there is no room to doubt. I have never seen in favor of any
democratic ticket so ardent a spirit manifested by the party. I think in this
county there is not a dissenting voice. Indiana may be set down for Cass
and Butler by a large majority over all opposition. Even should Hale run, and
Mr. Van Buren lead the Barnburners, we can beat them all.
I wish to know from you, my dear sir, what Georgia will do
in the premises.
I have bored you with a very prosing long letter.
Our very best respects to your Lady and friends.
_______________
* Congressman from Indiana, 1839-1841 and 1843-1847.
SOURCE: Ulrich Bonnell Phillips, Editor, The Annual
Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1911, Volume 2: The
Correspondence of Robert Toombs, Alexander H. Stephens, and Howell Cobb, p.
111-3
