Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, Friday, October 3, 1864

October 3, 1864

Yesterday afternoon arrived Lieutenant-Colonel Loring and Major L––––.  The former looks in better health and immediately set to work on the duties of his office, as Inspector-General, under the easy rule of General Parke, who succeeds the rule of Burnside the Fat.  L––––, always fancy, comes in much store clothes, a new shell jacket, double-breasted, and a pair of cerulean riding tights with a broad gold band, into which, according to report, he must be assisted by two strong men. Also his sabre newly burnished, and the names of the battles engraved on it, with other new and elegant touches. He was the young gentleman, you know, of whom the Reb paper said it was unworthy an honest officer to clasp the hand dipped in the gore of their brethren, even though cased in a glove of delicate kid! This was a quiet day, wherein we lay still and made ourselves comfortable. The “comfortable” meant, with many of the officers, lying abed till the classic hour of Richard and Robin; for the General, these last days, has been getting up and riding out at fitful and uncertain hours. I think, when he feels anxious and responsible himself, that he likes to keep others a little on the stretch also. So he would give no orders overnight, but suddenly hop up in the morning and begin to call for breakfast, orderlies, aides, horses, etc. I am sharp, and, at the first sound he makes, I am up and speedily dressed; whereas the others get caught and have to leave suddenly. Biddle is the funniest. There he was, trotting along, the other morning, talking away, like a spinster who had lost her lap dog. “Well, I do think it is too bad! The General never tells anyone when he is going out, and here I am with no breakfast — no breakfast at all!” And here B. opened his fingers and disclosed one boiled egg! To think of a Major on the General Staff riding after his General, with the reins in one hand and a boiled egg in the other!

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 239-40

Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, Friday, September 30, 1864

At 8.30 in the morning, the General, with the combative Humphreys and all the Staff, rode towards the left, stopping of course at the irresistible Hancock's. At noon we got to Globe Tavern, which is some six miles from our old Headquarters. Crawford's division still held the works on the Weldon road, while Warren, with two divisions, followed by Parke, with two divisions of the 9th Corps, had moved out to the west, and already we could hear the Rebel artillery shelling our advance.  . . . At the Poplar Grove Church the Rebels began to throw shells, with a good deal of accuracy, into the road; for they had the range, though they could not see for the woods. Near here was a swampy run, where our skirmishers drove those of the enemy across, and the division then got over and kept ahead. General Meade, meantime, staid at the Globe Tavern, waiting for the movement to develop. He sent out an aide or two, to tell Warren he was there and to bring news of the progress. Warren sent in word that; having got across the run, he would soon see what could be done. At 12.45 we could hear pretty brisk musketry, which continued a short time and then ceased. Some time after, an aide came in from General Warren, with news that Griffin had captured a strong line and a redoubt, in handsome style. Not long after, the General rode to the front, where we arrived at 2.45. Most of the road was through a pleasant wood, chiefly oak. Passing the “church” (a little, old, wooden building that might seat forty persons), we turned to the right and came out on a large, open farm. On a roll of land, just ahead, was the Peeble house (pretty well riddled with bullets), and hence you looked over more open land ending in a fringe of wood. Perhaps 400 yards in front was the captured line and the redoubt: the former very strongly and handsomely made; the latter not quite finished inside, wanting still the platforms for the guns; otherwise it was done, with a ditch outside and an abattis. So far as I can learn, the occupying force was about equal to the attacking; but they did not make as good a fight as usual. The two assaulting brigades advanced very handsomely and rushed over the works. The enemy began at once to draw off their cannon, but the horses of one piece were shot, and it fell into our hands. The loss was very small in the assault, not over 100, which shows how much safer it is to run boldly on: the enemy get excited and fire high. I went into the redoubt. A Rebel artillery-man lay dead on the parapet, killed so instantly, by a shot through the head, that the expression of his face was unchanged. In front they were burying two or three of our men and a corporal was marking their names on a headboard, copying from letters found in their pockets. Parke was now ordered to form on the left of Warren (Ayres being on the right of Griffin), and it was understood that the whole line would then advance from its present position, near the Pegram house, and see if it were practicable to carry the second line, which lay perhaps three fourths of a mile beyond. As I understand it, General Meade's orders were not properly carried out; for Griffin did not form, so as to make an extension of Parke's line. At 5.30 we were sitting in the Peeble house, waiting for the development of the attack, when we heard very heavy musketry beyond the narrow belt of the woods that separated us from the Pegram farm; there was cheering, too, and then more musketry, and naturally we supposed that Parke was assaulting. But presently there came from the woods a considerable number of stragglers, making their way to the rear; then came even a piece of a regiment, with its colors, and this halted inside the captured works. The musketry now drew plainly nearer, and things began to look ticklish. I watched anxiously a brigade of the 5th Corps that stood massed in the edge of the wood, beyond the redoubt. Suddenly it filed to the left, at a double-quick, the brigade colors trotting gaily at the head, then formed line and stood still. In another moment the men leveled their muskets, fired a heavy volley and charged into the wood. The musketry receded again; a battery went forward and added itself to the general crash, which was kept up till darkness had well set in; while we sat and watched and listened, in comparative safety, just beside the captured redoubt. Potter had been taken in the flank by the Rebels charging, and had been driven back in confusion. Griffin had advanced and restored the retired line. And who rides hither so placidly? It is General Humphreys: he has stolen off and, bless his old soul, has been having a real nice time, right in the line of battle! “A pretty little fight,” said he gingerly, “a pretty little fight. He! he! he!” Poor Potter! it wasn't his fault. Our extreme advance was driven back, but the day was a great success, with important strategic bearing.

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 234-7

Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, September 29, 1864

September 29

Headquarters contented itself by getting up about half-past five, which was plenty early enough, as turned out. We rode down to General Hancock's about 9.30. He was camped not far from us, or had been, for now his tents were struck and packed, and there lay the familiar forms of Lieutenant-Colonel Morgan and Major Mitchell, on some boards, trying to make up for their loss of sleep. The cheery Hancock was awake and lively. We here were near the point of the railroad, which excited General Meade's indignation by its exposure. Now they have partly sunk it and partly built a bank, on the enemy's side, so that it is covered from fire. Here we got news that Ord and Birney had crossed the James, the first near Dutch Gap, the other near Deep Bottom, and advanced towards Richmond. Birney went up the Newmarket road, took a line of works, and joined Ord, who took a strong line, with a fort, on Chapin's farm, which is before Chapin's bluff, which again is opposite Fort Darling. We got sixteen guns, including three of heavy calibre, also some prisoners. General Ord was shot in the thick of the leg, above the knee. There was another line, on the crest beyond, which I do not think we attacked at all. We went down then to the Jones house, where were Parke's Headquarters, and talked with him. I saw there Charlie Mills, now on his Staff. Finally, at 1.30 we got to Globe Tavern where was the astute Warren. Everything was “set,” as he would say, for an advance by Griffin's and Ayres's divisions, while Willcox's and Potter's divisions of the 9th Corps were massed at the Gurley house, ready to support. General Gregg made an advance west of Reams' station, and was heavily attacked about 5 P.M., but repulsed them. Their artillery blew up one of his caissons and we could see the cloud of smoke suddenly rise above the trees. This was all for that day in the way of fighting.

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 233-4

Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, August 14, 1864

August 14, 1864

. . . General Parke got back from his sick leave and took command of the 9th Corps. He is a very pleasant-looking man and liked apparently by everyone. He has been obliged twice to return to the North by reason of malarial attacks, which is a pity, as he acted usually as adviser to General Burnside and had an excellent effect on him. He cured himself twice of malarial fever by accidentally taking an overdose of medicine. The last time, he had been told to take one pill, containing something very strong; but made a mistake and took four. After which he was somewhat surprised to find his face making a great many involuntary grimaces, and his body feeling uncommonly uncomfortable. However, next day he was all well, and the doctor told him it was a good dose to take, provided it did not unfortunately happen to kill him. Captain Fay took out the cits to-day, in an ambulance, and showed them the lines. After which the youth Falls was seized with a noble ambition to ride on horseback in company of Captain Guzman. Being provided with a hard trotter, he came near tumbling off, at the first start, and was obliged to change horses and perform the rest of the journey at a mild pace.

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 213-4

Brigadier-General Thomas Kilby Smith to Eliza Walter Smith, November 18, 1864

Headquarters Armies Of The United States,

City Point, Va., Nov. 18, 1864.

I wrote a hurried note to wife a day or two ago upon my first arrival at General Grant's headquarters, simply to advise you all of my health and well-being. I was received here with open arms, unfeigned, and bounteous hospitality. I proposed returning with the General the day after my arrival, as he was about paying a visit to his wife at Burlington, but he pressed me to remain and inspect the lines, for that purpose mounting me on his own best horse with his own equipments, and assigning his chief aide-de-camp as my escort. The day before yesterday I rode the lines of the “Army of the James.” For this purpose a steamboat was detailed which took me up the river to a point just above the famous “Dutch gap” canal, where the extreme left of the army now under command of General Butler rests. Mounting our horses, we struck the field works at this point, and rode the whole circuit, visiting each fort en route, not forgetting the famous “Fort Harrison,” which cost us so dearly to wrest from the enemy; we were frequently in sight and within rifle range of the enemy's pickets, indeed at points within an hundred and fifty yards, and almost with the naked eye the lineaments of their countenances could be discerned; but we were not fired upon, for both armies on these lines decry the abominable practice of picket shooting, which for the most part is assassination, save when works are to be attempted by assault, and, relying on each other's honor, observe a sort of truce. I was so often within gunshot of them this day, and they so well observed the tacit understanding, that I did not dismount as is usual in exposed places, but always from the saddle made careful survey of their works. I rode as close as three miles from Richmond, whose spires could be discerned glittering in the hazy distance. General Butler had not then returned, but I was glad to be able to renew with my old friend General Weitzel then in command, an acquaintance formed at Port Hudson, which ripened into intimacy at New Orleans. He is an elegant fellow, and well worthy of the honors he enjoys. You may be sure he was glad to see me, and that he did all one soldier can do to make another happy, giving me his personal escort through the whole day. I also called upon General Terry, also in command of a corps, and two or three brigadiers. Their lines of fortifications display splendid engineering, their army in good condition and spirits, and the soldiers in first rate fighting trim. The enemy lies at short distance like a couchant tiger watching for the expected spring. There will be desperate fighting when we close. At night I re-embarked and returned to these headquarters. Yesterday our horses were placed upon a special railroad train provided for the purpose, and after breakfast we started for the headquarters of General Meade, commanding the Army of the Potomac. At “Meade's Station” our horses were unshipped and we mounted, riding a short distance to the general's tent. He received me with profound respect and consideration, excused himself upon the plea of urgent business from giving me personal escort over the lines, but assigned his chief aide-de-camp, Colonel Riddle, who gave me guidance. I rode through his entire army of sixty thousand infantry, and surveyed their lines of fortifications, in close view of the lines of the enemy, and of the town of Petersburg. It would be neither proper for me, nor interesting to you, to give close description of all I saw; suffice it to say, that I found a splendidly appointed army in tip-top condition, behind works that, well-manned, are impregnable, close to an enemy who are watching with argus eyes and making defences with the arms of Briareus. I called in the course of the day upon Major-Generals Parke and Warren. Parke I knew at Vicksburg, and should have called upon Hancock, who had made preparation to entertain me, but the night was closing in murky with promise of storm, and I felt compelled to hasten to the depot. Thus in these two days I have made very extensive reconnaissance, inspection and survey of these two great armies upon the movements of which the destiny of a nation, if not of a world, seems to rest. An incident occurred yesterday that may serve to interest the children. We often were, as on the day previous, very close to the picket lines and fortifications of the enemy, and upon one occasion, as we halted to make close observation of a certain point, the enemy sent over a dog with a tag of paper attached to his collar, upon which was written, “Lincoln's majority 36,000.” We detached the paper, offered the dog something to eat, which he refused, turned him loose, when he forthwith returned to his master. Surely this is one of the “dogs of war.”

I have been called off from writing, a moment, to be introduced to General Butler, who has called, and who invites me to dine with him to-morrow. If the day is not very stormy I shall go to his headquarters.

At Pittsburg, Philadelphia, New York, Boston, Baltimore, Washington, I have been really oppressed, overwhelmed, with polite attentions. In the War Department, every officer I met, the Secretary, the Adjutant-General, the Assistant, were eager to give facilities. So at the Treasury, where I had occasion to transact some business. The Postmaster-General, our Mr. Dennison, promptly offered me every politeness, and here at these headquarters, from the General-in-Chief of the Armies of the United States down, all have done me, and all have seemed eager to do me honor. I am informed that none others save the General, since he has come into his possession, has ridden or been offered his favorite horse, a magnificent animal, which, caparisoned with his own splendid housings, he ordered for me, and has left subject to my order while I remain. His Chief of Staff offered me the General's tent and bed during his absence; this I refused. I am the honored guest at the long mess-table. Well these are trifles in themselves, but taken together are gratifying to me and will doubtless be to you. I am very proud to have the good opinion of my commanding generals. I believe I mentioned to you in a former letter that I had introduced myself to the President, who was pleased to say he had heard of me, and who, in our interview, was exceedingly polite. Of course, I take all this just for what it is worth, and nothing more, and should be mean to attempt self-glorification upon the reception of courtesy that costs so little. But I am writing to my mother, and to her I cannot refrain some hints of my position towards those who are now most prominent in the world's history, and who give countenance and support to me, because I have cheerfully given my humble efforts to uphold the glory of a nation, the sustaining of a wise and beneficent government, the crushing of an unholy rebellion, the exposition of a devilish heresy, the elevation of truth as opposed to error. Those efforts for a while have been paralyzed and even now I am warned that the flesh is weak. I am not as I have been. This poor abused body fails me when the spirit is most strong, and truly with me is the conviction forced, that just as I am learning to live I must prepare to die. And the world and its glories to me are so pleasant. No day, no night, is long, “every moment, lightly shaken, runs itself in golden sands.” My comrades are fast passing away. You have noted, of course, the death of poor Ransom, my comrade in battle, my bosom friend, whom I dearly loved. After being four times wounded in battle, he went back to the field to die like a dog of this disease, this scourge of the soldier, dysentery. I saw his physician a day or two ago, who told me his bowels were literally perforated. He retained his mind clear to the last moment, said he was dying, and called in his staff as he lay in his tent to take a final leave, and issue a final order. How much better to die as McPherson, with the bullet in the breast. I sometimes think my health is improving, and I run along for several days feeling pretty well, but I have had recent evidence that at this time I am unfit for active service in the field. A Major-General's commission is just within my grasp, but a week's march and bivouac, I fear, would give me my final discharge. Still, it is all as God wills. The God of Heaven has watched over all my steps, and with that careful eye which never sleeps, has guarded me from death and shielded me from danger. Through the hours, the restless hours of youth, a hand unseen has guarded all my footsteps in the wild and thorny battles of life, and led me on in safety through them all. In later days still the same hand has ever been my guard from dangers seen and unseen. Clouds have lowered, and tempests oft have burst above my head, but that projected hand has warded off the thunder-strokes of death, and still I stand a monument of mercy. Years have passed of varied dangers and of varied guilt, but still the sheltering wings of love have been outspread in mercy over me; and when the allotted task is done, when the course marked out by that same good God is run, then, and not till then, shall I, in mercy, pass away. Meanwhile, give me your prayers, dear mother, for in your prayers, and in those of the dear good women who remember me in their closets, alone with their God, do I place all faith. Pray for me that I be not led into temptation, that I may be delivered from evil.

We do not hear from General Sherman, but we have the fullest faith that all will be well with him, and that he will accomplish his great undertaking. My own command is by this time with Thomas at Paducah. Say to Joe and Margaret, that the same servants are about General Grant's headquarters, each man remaining true at his post, that they all inquired after Joe and Margaret and old Uncle Jeff, and that all of them were very much mortified when I felt compelled to tell them that Uncle Jeff had abandoned me. They were all glad to hear that Joe and Margaret were married, and all sent kind messages to them. General Rawlins's little black boy Jerry has got to be a first rate servant, and so has Colonel Duff's boy Henry; Douglass, and General Grant's William, are all on hand. Colonel Duff's sorrel horse, John, that great walking horse he was afraid of, the one that used to run away and that he got me to ride (Joe will remember him), was captured by the enemy. The General's little bay stallion, he thought so much of, is dead. He sent the cream-colored stallion home. I write this to interest Joe. Tell him to keep quiet, that I shall soon be home, and don't want him to leave me till the war is over, and then I will make provision for him.

Just as I am writing now, I am being complimented by a serenade from a splendid brass band. I would give a good deal if you were all here on the banks of the James, to hear the thrilling music, though I should want you away as soon as it was over. My best and dearest love to all my dear ones.

Blessings rest upon you all, forgive my haste and crude expressions. It is always hard to write in camp, but impossible almost to me with music in my ear.

SOURCE: Walter George Smith, Life and letters of Thomas Kilby Smith, p. 365-70

Major General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, March 17, 1863

CAMP NEAR FALMOUTH, VA., March 17, 1863.

I returned to-day from Washington. I went up day before yesterday, the 15th, arriving in Washington about 7 P. M. I went to Willard's, where, as usual, I saw a great many people. Finding Burnside was in the house, I sent up my name and was ushered into his room, where I found himself and Mrs. Burnside, the latter a very quiet, lady-like and exceedingly nice personage, quite pretty and rather younger than I expected to see. Burnside was very glad to see me, and we had a long talk. Among other things he read me a correspondence he had had with Franklin. Franklin had called his attention to the letter which appeared in the Times, said this was known to be written by Raymond, the editor, and it was generally believed his information was derived either from Burnside himself or some of his staff. Hence this letter was considered authority, and as it did him, Franklin, great injustice, he appealed to his, Burnside's, magnanimity to correct the errors and give publicity to his correction. Burnside replied that he had not read the article till Franklin called his attention to it; that he was not responsible for it, nor was he aware that any of his staff had had any part in its production. Still, he was bound to say that in its facts it was true; that as to the inferences drawn from these facts, he had nothing to say about them and must refer him to Raymond, the reputed author. Several letters had passed, Franklin trying to get Burnside to (as he, Burnside, expressed it) whitewash him. This Burnside said he was not going to do; that Franklin must stand on his own merits and the facts of the case; that he had never made any accusation against him, except to say that the crossing of the river, being against his, Franklin's, judgment, he thought Franklin had been wanting in a zealous and hearty co-operation with his plans. That about the time my attack failed, hearing from one of his, Burnside's, staff officers, just from the field, that Franklin was not attacking with the force and vigor he ought to, he immediately despatched him an order "directing him to attack with his whole force if necessary," which order he assumed the responsibility of not executing, and he must now take the consequences, if blame was attached to him for it.

The next morning I went up to the Capitol, to the committee room, and found only the clerk present. He said the committee had been awaiting me some days; that Senators Chandler and Wade were the only two members present, and now down town; that he would hunt them up, and have them at the room by three o'clock, if I would return at that hour. At three I again presented myself to the committee, and found old Ben Wade, Senator from Ohio, awaiting me. He said the committee wished to examine me in regard to my attack at Fredericksburg. I told him I presumed such was the object in summoning me, and with this in view I had brought my official report, which I would read to him, and if he wanted any more information, I was prepared to give it. After hearing my report, he said it covered the whole ground, and he would only ask me one or two questions. First, was I aware that General Burnside, about the time of my attack, had ordered General Franklin to attack with his whole force? I answered, "At the time of the battle, No; indeed, I only learned this fact yesterday evening, from General Burnside himself." Secondly, what, in my judgment, as a military man, would have been the effect if General Franklin had, when my attack was successful, advanced his whole line? I said I believed such a movement would have resulted in the driving back of the enemy's right wing; though it would, without doubt, have produced a desperate and hard-contested fight; but when I reflected on the success that attended my attack, which was made with less than ten thousand men (supports and all), I could not resist the belief that the attack of fifty thousand men would have been followed by success. This was all he asked, and except the last question, the answer to which was a mere matter of opinion, I don't think any one can take exception to my testimony. My conversations with Burnside and Wade satisfied me that Franklin was to be made responsible for the failure at Fredericksburg, and the committee is seeking all the testimony they can procure to substantiate this theory of theirs. Now, Franklin has, first, his orders, as received from Burnside, and then the fact that the execution of these orders was entrusted to Reynolds, for his defense. Before the committee, of course, he will not be heard, but after their report comes out, it will be incumbent on him to notice their statements and demand an investigation. I feel very sorry for Franklin, because I like him, and because he has always been consistently friendly to me.

After returning from the Capitol, I dined with General and Mrs. Burnside and Parke. Parke said he was about being left off the list of major generals, when Burnside's opportune arrival saved him, Halleck giving as a reason that he had exercised no command since his appointment. Burnside, however, had his name sent in, and now he is going to supersede Baldy Smith and take command of the Ninth Corps, which is to accompany Burnside in his new command, to which he, Burnside, expects to be ordered in a few days.

The best piece of news I learned when in Washington was that the President was about issuing his proclamation putting in force the conscription law, and ordering immediately a draft of five hundred thousand men. Only let him do this, and enforce it and get the men, and the North is bound to carry the day.

I sometimes feel very nervous about my position, they are knocking over generals at such a rate. Among others, Wright, who was my beau ideal of a soldier, and whom I had picked out as the most rising man, has had his major-generalcy and his command both taken away from him, because he could not satisfy the extremists of Ohio (anti-slavery) and those of Kentucky (pro-slavery), but tried by a moderate course to steer between them.

Did I tell you the old Reserves had subscribed fifteen hundred dollars to present me with a sword, sash, belt, etc.? It is expected they will be ready about the close of the month, when I am to go, if possible, to their camp near Washington to receive them.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 358-61

Brigadier General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, November 20, 1862

CAMP NEAR STAFFORD COURT HOUSE, VA., November 20, 1862.

The occupation of the march the last few days has prevented my writing to you. I suppose you have seen in the papers the order dividing the army into three grand divisions, and giving the command of certain corps to the senior officers on duty with those corps. This places General Butterfield in command of Porter's corps. General Butterfield is my junior, and I am his only senior on duty with this army. I thought that both Stoneman and A. S. Williams had divisions, both of whom are my seniors; but to-day I find Stoneman has a corps and that Williams is not with this army, having been left on the Potomac. Hence I am the only general who is affected by the giving a corps to Butterfield. I saw to-day Franklin and Baldy Smith, who referred to this matter, and said Burnside did not know how to arrange it otherwise, and they thought if I made an application to Burnside and gave him any chance of acting, that he would assign me to the corps. This, however, is a very delicate matter, and I have seen several cases where such action has ended to the discomfiture of the protestant. I will, however, see Parke and have a talk with him, and see how the land lies, and if there is any prospect of effecting any good, I will act. I presume you understand the question. General Butterfield does not command me, but his command being a corps, and I his senior, in command only of a division, I have a right to complain; just as I did when, in command of a brigade, so many of my juniors were commanding divisions. Again, Martindale belongs to that corps, and will doubtless, now that he is acquitted by the court, return to duty, and he is my senior, and would have the right to command it.

I presume you have seen Halleck's letter in regard to the supplying of the army. It is a piece of special pleading well worthy the brain of General Halleck, but unfortunately there are too many facts in the possession of this army to disprove all he asserts, which I trust McClellan will now come out publicly and expose. My letters to you of themselves are sufficient evidence, and nearly every general officer in the army can testify to the same facts, viz., that their requisitions for clothing, ammunition and other supplies, made early in October, were not filled till the end of the month, just before the movement across the river began. But what are truths and facts against political and personal malice and vindictiveness?

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 329-30

Brigadier General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, August 18, 1862

FREDERICKSBURG,¹ August 18, 1862.

I enclose you an order recently published by McClellan, which I wish you to show Dr. Hewson, as it will confirm what I told him, that the Army of the Potomac had always carried out the new policy in a proper manner, and that the President's order and Pope's manifestoes were unnecessary.

Sunday morning at eight o'clock I left in the boat for this place, arriving here in the evening. I find myself ahead of Reynolds and Seymour. Burnside is absent, and Parke, recently made major general, is in command. To-day I have been very busy, seeing Parke and getting myself fixed. I visited my old regiments and was received with much enthusiasm, and I really believe the whole command, officers and men, were sincerely glad to see me back.

__________

¹ Should be opposite Fredericksburg.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 303

The Capture of Fort Macon

NEW YORK, May 3.

A special to the Tribune, giving an account of the capture of Fort Macon, says the fire of our batteries dismounted 13 guns and tore up the glacis and ramparts in the most effective manner.  Of 1,100 shots and shell thrown by them at the fort 560 struck the work.  The guns of the Fort were worked with skill and courage, but the hind hills of our position afforded complete protection to the men, and the hoisting of the white flag was followed by a conference with Gen. Parks [sic], and a suspension of hostilities until the following morning.  During the night the proposition to surrender was communicated to Gen. Burnside and in the morning articles of agreement were signed, and the garrison surrendered as prisoners of war, but were released on parole, and were allowed to take their private effects with them; the officers retained their side arms.  These were the terms originally proposed by Gen. Parks, but refused by Col. White, commandant of the fort.

The surrender of Fort Macon gives Gen. Burnside a port of entry with secure anchorage for his heaviest vessels.  It gives the Government another of the stolen fortifications with 50 guns, and 20,000 pounds of powder, with shot and shell in proportion, 400 stand of arms, and a large store of provisions, 420 prisoners and 30 horses.  It releases a portion of the blockading fleet for service elsewhere, and insures the retention of the district.

Gen. Burnside, in a general order congratulating Gen. Park on his victory, commands that the name “Fort Macon” be inscribed on the colors of the 4th and 5th R. I. regiments and the 8th Conn. Regiment.  The command of the fort was offered to Capt. Lewis Morris, 1st artillery, after the surrender, but declined and Col. Rodman, of the 4th R. I., was placed in charge.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Monday Morning, May 5, 1862, p. 1