This morning, I called on the President with a letter
received some time since from Col. Key, in which he stated that he had reason
to believe that if Genl. McClellan found he could not otherwise sustain himself
in Virginia, he would declare the liberation of the slaves; and that the
President would not dare to interfere with the Order. I urged upon the
President the importance of an immediate change in the command of the Army of
the Potomac, representing the necessity of having a General in that command who
would cordially and efficiently cooperate with the movements of Pope and
others; and urging a change before the arrival of Genl. Halleck, in view of the
extreme delicacy of his position in this respect, Genl. McClellan being his
senior Major-General. I said that I did not regard Genl. McClellan as loyal
to the Administration, although I did not question his general loyalty to the
country.
I also urged Genl. McClellan's removal upon financial
grounds. I told him that, if such a change in the command was made as would
insure action to the army and give it power in the ratio of its strength, and
if such measures were adopted in respect to slavery as would inspire the
country with confidence that no measure would be left untried which promised a
speedy and successful result, I would insure that, within ten days, the Bonds
of the U. S. — except the 5-20s. — would be so far above par that conversions
into the latter stock would take place rapidly and furnish the necessary means
for carrying on the Government. If this was not done, it seemed to me
impossible to meet necessary expenses. Already there were 10,000,000 of unpaid
requisitions, and this amount must constantly increase.
The President came to no conclusion, but said he would
confer with Gen. Halleck on all these matters. I left him, promising to return
to Cabinet, when the subject of the Orders discussed yesterday would be
resumed.
Went to Cabinet at the appointed hour. It was unanimously
agreed that the Order in respect to Colonization should be dropped; and the
others were adopted unanimously, except that I wished North Carolina included
among the States named in the first order.
The question of arming slaves was then brought up and I
advocated it warmly. The President was unwilling to adopt this measure, but
proposed to issue a proclamation, on the basis of the Confiscation Bill,
calling upon the States to return to their allegiance — warning the rebels the
provisions of the Act would have full force at the expiration of sixty days — adding,
on his own part, a declaration of his intention to renew, at the next session
of Congress, his recommendation of compensation to States adopting the gradual
abolishment of slavery — and proclaiming the emancipation of all slaves within
States remaining in insurrection on the first of January, 1863.
I said that I should give to such a measure my cordial
support; but I should prefer that no new expression on the subject of
compensation should be made, and I thought that the measure of Emancipation
could be much better and more quietly accomplished by allowing Generals to
organize and arm the slaves (thus avoiding depredation and massacre on the one
hand, and support to the insurrection on the other) and by directing the
Commanders of Departments to proclaim emancipation within their Districts as
soon as practicable; but I regarded this as so much better than inaction on the
subject, that I should give it my entire support.
The President determined to publish the first three Orders
forthwith, and to leave the other for some further consideration. The
impression left upon my mind by the whole discussion was, that while the
President thought that the organization, equipment and arming of negroes, like
other soldiers, would be productive of more evil than good, he was not willing
that Commanders should, at their discretion, arm, for purely defensive
purposes, slaves coming within their lines.
Mr. Stanton brought forward a proposition to draft 50,000
men. Mr. Seward proposed that the number should be 100,000. The President directed
that, whatever number were drafted, should be a part of the 3,000,000 already
called for. No decision was reached, however.
SOURCE: Robert B. Warden, An Account of the Private
Life and Public Services of Salmon Portland Chase, p. 440; Annual
Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol.
2, p. 47-9.
