HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF
THE POTOMAC,
Camp near Harrison's
Landing, Va., July 7, 1862.
Mr. PRESIDENT: You have been fully informed that the rebel
army is in our front with the purpose of overwhelming us by attacking our
positions or reducing us by blocking our river communications. I cannot but
regard our condition as critical, and I earnestly desire, in view of possible
contingencies, to lay before Your Excellency for your private consideration my
general views concerning the existing state of the rebellion, although they do
not strictly relate to the situation of this army or strictly come within the
scope of my official duties. These views amount to convictions, and are deeply
impressed upon my mind and heart. Our cause must never be abandoned; it is the
cause of free institutions and self-government. The Constitution and the Union
must be preserved, whatever may be the cost in time, treasure, and blood. If
secession is successful, other dissolution’s are clearly to be seen in the
future. Let neither military disaster, political faction, nor foreign war shake
your settled purpose to enforce the equal operation of the laws of the United
States upon the people of every State.
The time has come when the Government must determine upon a
civil and military policy covering the whole ground of our national trouble.
The responsibility of determining, declaring, and supporting such civil and
military policy, and of directing the whole course of national affairs in
regard to the rebellion, must now be assumed and exercised by you, or our cause
will be lost. The Constitution gives you power sufficient even for the present
terrible exigency.
This rebellion has assumed the character of a war. As such
it should be regarded, and it should be conducted upon the highest principles
known to Christian civilization. It should not be a war looking to the
subjugation of the people of any State in any event. It should not be at all a
war upon population, but against armed forces and political organizations.
Neither confiscation of property, political executions of persons, territorial
organization of States, or forcible abolition of slavery should be contemplated
for a moment.
In prosecuting the war all private property and unarmed
persons should be strictly protected, subject only to the necessity of military
operations; all private property taken for military use should be paid or
receipted for; pillage and waste should be treated as high crimes, all
unnecessary trespass sternly prohibited, and offensive demeanor by the military
toward citizens promptly rebuked. Military arrests should not be tolerated, except
in places where active hostilities exist, and oaths not required by enactment’s
constitutionally made should be neither demanded nor received. Military
government should be confined to the preservation of public order and the
protection of political rights. Military power should not be allowed to
interfere with the relations of servitude, either by supporting or impairing
the authority of the master, except for repressing disorder, as in other cases.
Slaves, contraband under the act of Congress, seeking military protection,
should receive it. The right of the Government to appropriate permanently to
its own service claims to slave labor should be asserted, and the right of the
owner to compensation therefor should be recognized. This principle might be extended,
upon grounds of military necessity and security, to all the slaves of a
particular State, thus working manumission in such State; and in Missouri,
perhaps in Western Virginia also, and possibly even in Maryland, the expediency
of such a measure is only a question of time. A system of policy thus
constitutional, and pervaded by the influences of Christianity and freedom,
would receive the support of almost all truly loyal men, would deeply impress
the rebel masses and all foreign nations, and it might be humbly hoped that it
would commend itself to the favor of the Almighty.
Unless the principles governing the future conduct of our
struggle shall be made known and approved the effort to obtain requisite forces
will be almost hopeless. A declaration of radical views, especially upon
slavery, will rapidly disintegrate our present armies. The policy of the
Government must be supported by concentrations of military power. The national
forces should not be dispersed in expeditions, posts of occupation, and numerous
armies, but should be mainly collected into masses, and brought to bear upon
the armies of the Confederate States. Those armies thoroughly defeated, the
political structure which they support would soon cease to exist.
In carrying out any system of policy which you may form you
will require a Commander-in-Chief of the Army – one who possesses your
confidence, understands your views, and who is competent to execute your orders
by directing the military forces of the nation to the accomplishment of the
objects by you proposed. I do not ask that place for myself. I am willing to
serve you in such position as you may assign me, and I will do so as faithfully
as ever subordinate served superior.
I may be on the brink of eternity, and as I hope forgiveness
from my Maker I have written this letter with sincerity toward you and from
love for my country.
Very respectfully,
your obedient servant,
GEO. B. McCLELLAN,
Major-General,
Commanding.
His Excellency ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President.
SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of
the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume
11, Part 1 (Serial No. 12), p. 73-4
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