Double duty for yesterday's holiday. Senator Sumner called
on Saturday as usual. After disposing of some little matters of business, he
spoke of the President and the election. He says the President is moving for a
reëlection, and has, he knows, spoken to several persons on the subject very
explicitly. I told him the President had exchanged no word with me on the
subject, but that I had taken for granted he would be a candidate, that I
thought all Presidents had entertained dreams of that nature, and that my
impressions are that a pretty strong current is setting in his favor. To this
Sumner made no response, affirmatively or negatively. I think his present
thoughts are in another direction, but not very decidedly so. Neither of us
cared to press the other. Whether he had in view to sound me I was uncertain,
and am still.
In many very essential respects Sumner is deficient as a
party leader, though he has talents, acquirements, sincerity, and patriotism,
with much true and false philanthropy. He is theoretical rather than practical.
Is egotistical, credulous to weakness with those who are his friends; is
susceptible to flattery from any quarter, and has not the suspicions and
jealousies that are too common with men in position. There is want of breadth,
enlarged comprehension, in his statesmanship. He is not a Constitutionalist,
has no organizing and constructive powers, and treats the great fundamental
principles of the organic law much as he would the resolutions of the last
national party convention. Towards the slaveholders he is implacable, and is
ready to go to extremes to break up not only the system of bondage, but the
political, industrial, and social system in all the rebellious States. His
theorizing propensities and the resentments that follow from deep personal
injuries work together in his warfare against that domineering oligarchy which
has inflicted great calamities on our country and wrongs on himself. He would
not only free the slaves but elevate them above their former masters, yet, with
all his studied philanthropy and love for the negroes in the abstract, is
unwilling to fellowship with them, though he thinks he is. It is, however,
ideal, book philanthropy.
As Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, his
services at this time are invaluable. He is, fortunately, in many respects the
opposite of Seward, has higher culture and, on international law and the
science of government, is vastly better informed and greatly the superior of
the Secretary of State. But the latter has greater tact, more practicality, and
better knowledge of parties and men, greater versatility of genius and
unsurpassed pliability, so that he can more readily adapt himself to what ever may seem
expedient. Sumner acts not always from fixed principles but earnest though
prejudiced convictions, investigating questions in which he is interested
elaborately, and brings learning and authorities to his support. Seward is
earnest for his party, but has no great deference for political principles of
any kind; his convictions or opinions are weak and change without hesitation if
deemed expedient or if his party can be benefited. To such a Secretary an
adviser like Sumner is valuable, yet Seward does not appreciate it. There is mutual
want of confidence.
My impressions are that Sumner's present leanings are, after
vague and indefinite dreams of himself, for Chase, who has ultra notions, but
Chase has to some extent modified his opinions since our conversation last
summer, when we took a long evening's ride. The subject of reconstruction was
just then beginning to be earnestly discussed.
Sumner has not the arts that are the chief stock in trade,
to use a mercantile phrase, of some tolerably successful politicians, and he is
so credulous as to be often the victim of cunning fellows of greatly inferior
capacity who flatter and use him. When Senator Dixon of Connecticut desired,
and was intriguing for, a reëlection to the Senate, he contrived to get a quasi
indorsement from Sumner in a general letter, which was used effectually to
defeat Sumner's best friends in Connecticut and injure the cause nearest his
heart. Dixon understood his weakness and made skillful application of it to
dupe and deceive Sumner. Too late Sumner regrets his error, but will repeat it
when a shrewd and cunning mind shall need to practice the deception. He can,
right or wrong, stand firm and immovable on great questions, but is swayed by
little social appeals to his kindness. His knowledge of men is imperfect and
unreliable, and hence, while he will always have position with his party and influence
its movements he will never be the trusted leader.
SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles,
Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30,
1864, p. 501-3
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