A proclamation of
amnesty proposed by Speed was considered and, with some changes, agreed to.
The condition of
North Carolina was taken up, and a general plan of organization intended for
all the Rebel States was submitted and debated. No great difference of opinion
was expressed except on the matter of suffrage. Stanton, Dennison, and Speed
were for negro suffrage; McCulloch, Usher, and myself were opposed. It was
agreed, on request of Stanton, we would not discuss the question, but each
express his opinion without preliminary debate. After our opinions had been
given, I stated I was for adhering to the rule prescribed in President
Lincoln's proclamation, which had been fully considered and matured, and besides,
in all these matters, I am for no further subversion of the laws, institutions,
and usages of the States respectively, nor for Federal intermeddling in local
matters, than is absolutely necessary, in order to rid them of the radical
error which has caused our national trouble. All laws, not inconsistent
with those of the conquerors, remain until changed to the conquered, is an old
rule.
This question of
negro suffrage is beset with difficulties growing out of the conflict through
which we have passed and the current of sympathy for the colored race. The
demagogues will make use of it, regardless of what is best for the country, and
without regard for the organic law, the rights of the State, or the troubles of
our government. There is a fanaticism on the subject with some, who persuade
themselves that the cause of liberty and the Union is with the negro and not
the white man. White men, and especially Southern white men, are tyrants.
Senator Sumner is riding this one idea at top speed. There are others, less
sincere than Sumner, who are pressing the question for party purposes. On the
other hand, there may be unjust prejudices against permitting colored persons
to enjoy the elective franchise, under any circumstances; but this is not, and
should not be, a Federal question. No one can claim that the blacks, in the
Slave States especially, can exercise the elective franchise intelligently. In
most of the Free States they are not permitted to vote. Is it politic, and
wise, or right even, when trying to restore peace and reconcile differences, to
make so radical a change, — provided we have the authority, which I deny, — to
elevate the ignorant negro, who has been enslaved mentally as well as
physically, to the discharge of the highest duties of citizenship, especially
when our Free States will not permit the few free negroes to vote?
The Federal
government has no right and has not attempted to dictate on the matter of
suffrage to any State, and I apprehend it will not conduce to harmony to
arrogate and exercise arbitrary power over the States which have been in
rebellion. It was never intended by the founders of the Union that the Federal
government should prescribe suffrage to the States. We shall get rid of slavery
by constitutional means. But conferring on the black civil rights is another
matter. I know not the authority. The President in the exercise of the
pardoning power may limit or make conditions, and, while granting life and
liberty to traitors, deny them the right of holding office or of voting. While,
however, he can exclude traitors, can he legitimately confer on the blacks of
North Carolina the right to vote? I do not yet see how this can be done by him
or by Congress.
This whole question
of suffrage is much abused. The negro can take upon himself the duty about as
intelligently and as well for the public interest as a considerable portion of
the foreign element which comes amongst us. Each will be the tool of
demagogues. If the negro is to vote and exercise the duties of a citizen, let
him be educated to it. The measure should not, even if the government were
empowered to act, be precipitated when he is stolidly ignorant and wholly
unprepared. It is proposed to do it against what have been and still are the constitutions,
laws, usages, and practices of the States which we wish to restore to
fellowship.
Stanton has changed
his position, has been converted, is now for negro suffrage. These were not his
views a short time since. But aspiring politicians will, as the current now
sets, generally take that road.
The trial of the
assassins is not so promptly carried into effect as Stanton declared it should
be. He said it was his intention the criminals should be tried and executed
before President Lincoln was buried. But the President was buried last
Thursday, the 4th, and the trial has not, I believe, commenced.
I regret they are
not tried by the civil court, and so expressed myself, as did McCulloch; but
Stanton, who says the proof is clear and positive, was emphatic, and Speed
advised a military commission, though at first, I thought, otherwise inclined.
It is now rumored the trial is to be secret, which is another objectionable
feature, and will be likely to meet condemnation after the event and excitement
have passed off.
The rash, impulsive,
and arbitrary measures of Stanton are exceedingly repugnant to my notions, and
I am pained to witness the acquiescence they receive. He carries others with
him, sometimes against their convictions as expressed to me.
The President and
Cabinet called on Mr. Seward at his house after the close of the council. He
came down to meet us in his parlor. I was glad to see him so well and animated,
yet a few weeks have done the work of years, apparently, with his system.
Perhaps, when his wounds have healed, and the fractured jaw is restored, he may
recover in some degree his former looks, but I apprehend not. His head was
covered with a close-fitting cap, and the appliances to his jaw entered his
mouth and prevented him from articulating clearly. Still he was disposed to
talk, and we to listen. Once or twice, allusions to the night of the great
calamity affected him more deeply than I have ever seen him.
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