I had another long
talk with Senator Sumner, who called on me on Saturday. It was of much the same
purport as heretofore. He is pleased with a speech of Secretary Harlan, made
the preceding evening, which I had not then read, and said it came up to the
full measure of his requirements. "Then," said I, "he probably
is that member of the Cabinet who has been urging you to bring in a bill to
counteract the President's policy." "No," said Sumner, "it
was not Harlan but another member. There are," continued he, "four
members of the Cabinet who are with us and against the President."
"Then," replied I, "you must include Seward." This he
promptly disclaimed. I told him he must not count Dennison. He was taken aback.
"If you know from D.'s own mouth,—have it from himself, I will not dispute
the point," said Sumner. I told him I knew D.'s views, that last spring he
had, at the first suggestion, expressed himself for negro suffrage, but that he
had on reflection and examination come fully into the President's views. He
replied that he had known
D.'s original
position and had supposed it remained unchanged. Sumner told me he should make
a very thorough speech this week on the great question—the treatment of the States
and people of the South—but should avoid any attack on the President; would not
be personal. Tells me that Governor Hamilton of Texas has written him imploring
him to persevere.
I am afraid the
President has not always been fortunate in his selection of men. Either
Hamilton is a hypocrite or there is a bad condition of things in Texas. The
entire South seem to be stupid and vindictive, know not their friends, and are
pursuing just the course which their opponents, the Radicals, desire. I fear a
terrible ordeal awaits them in the future. Misfortune and adversity have not
impressed them.
Have had much
canvassing and discussion of Semmes's case with Solicitor Bolles, Mr. Eames,
Fox, and others, and to-day took the papers to the Cabinet. When I mentioned
the purport of the documents, which were somewhat voluminous, the President
proposed that he and I should examine them together before submitting them to
the Cabinet and thus save time. After going over the papers with him, he
expressed a desire to leave the whole subject in my hands to dispose of as I
saw proper. I remarked that the questions involved were so important that I
preferred the course taken should be strictly administrative, and I wished to
have the best authority, and careful and deliberate consideration and
conclusion. The offenses charged being violation of the laws of war, I thought
our action should be intelligent and certain. The President said he had
confidence in my judgment and discretion, inquired why a purely naval court
martial could not dispose of the subject. He exhibited a strong disinclination
to commit the case to the military, and was more pointed and direct on that
subject than I have before witnessed. He requested me to take the papers and consult
such persons as I pleased and report in due time.
We had some general
conversation on the tone and temper of Congress and the country. The President
is satisfied that his policy is correct, and is, I think, very firm in his
convictions and intentions to maintain it. The Radicals who are active and
violent are just as determined to resent it.
I took occasion to
repeat what I have several times urged, the public enunciation of his purpose,
and at the proper time, and as early as convenient or as there was an
opportunity, to show by some distinct and emphatic act his intention to
maintain and carry into effect his administrative policy. That while a conflict
or division was not sought but avoided, there should be no uncertainty, yet a
demonstration which should leave no doubt as to his determination. On this we
concurred.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 419-21
No comments:
Post a Comment