Diary of Private Daniel L. Ambrose: Sunday, September 21, 1862

It is reported to-day that Price has been beaten, and is now making a flank movement towards Corinth. Soon we are ordered to Corinth, and there we lay in line of battle all day; but no Price comes, and we return to camp in the evening. Dispatches from Rosecrans inform us this evening that he has routed Price. Praises for Rosecrans and the noble Fifth Iowa come from every one. The Illinois soldiers can ever find it in their hearts to speak words of praise about their brothers from Iowa, especially when like the Fifth who maintained such a desperate bayonet charge to save their colors from falling into the hands of the rebels. Right here we would say that the Seventh Illinois Veteran Volunteer Infantry will not soon forget the Seventh and Second Iowa, starting in the service together, fighting side by side in the assault on Fort Donelson, together carrying their flag in the thickest of the battle, camping side by side on the weary march. They seemed to each other as brothers, for brothers they were, fighting in one common cause to keep the old flag on its staff, and to-day there are men in the Seventh that would fling their coats for a fight, should they hear any one speak disparagingly of the Seventh and Second Iowa infantry. They are camped now some where around Corinth, but we do not know exactly where; however, we remember them, and we imagine when the war is over, and when peace comes back to her people, should a soldier from the Seventh Illinois Infantry meet one from the Seventh or Second Iowa Infantry, who fought with him at Donelson, it will be a congenial meeting, and if he does not treat him as a gentleman it may be marked down as a fact that he does not understand the business.

SOURCE: Daniel Leib Ambrose, History of the Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, p. 86-7

Official Reports of the Battle of Fair Oaks or Seven Pines, Virginia, May 31 - June 1, 1862: No. 21 – Report of Brig. Gen. John Sedgwick, U. S. Army, commanding Second Division.

No. 21.

Report of Brig. Gen. John Sedgwick, U. S. Army, commanding Second Division.

HDQRS. SEDGWICK'S DIVISION, SUMNER'S ARMY CORPS,

Bivouac near Fair Oaks Station, Va., June 4, 1862.

CAPTAIN: I have the honor to submit the following report of the operations of my division during the engagements of May 31 and June 1, near Fair Oaks Station, on the Richmond and York River Railroad:

Under the orders of the general commanding the corps we left our camp near Tyler's house about 2 o'clock p.m. on Saturday, the 31st, in the following order: First, German's brigade, followed by Kirby's battery; Burns' and Dana's brigades, followed by Tompkins', Bartlett's, and Owen's batteries. The crossing of the stream of the Chickahominy and the contiguous swamp was exceedingly difficult and occasioned much delay, but we pushed forward in the direction of Fair Oaks Station, the point near which it was understood that Heintzelman's and Keyes' corps were then engaged. Upon debouching into the open field near Adams' house we found Abercrombie's brigade, of Couch's division, sustaining a severe attack and hard pushed by the enemy.

The First Minnesota, Colonel Sully, the leading regiment, was, by request of General Couch, approved by General Sumner, promptly formed into line of battle under a very sharp fire, and posted on the right of Abercrombie's brigade. Colonel Sully's disposition of his regiment, which covered two sides of Courtney's house, a point at which there was much danger that the enemy would outflank us before the supports ordered to his assistance could be brought up, was marked by admirable coolness and judgment. The remainder of German's brigade, led by him in person, and composed of the Thirty-fourth and Eighty-second New York, supported by the Fifteenth Massachusetts, formed on the left of Abercrombie's brigade, where they became almost instantly and hotly engaged., and after sustaining, without wavering, repeated and furious charges of the enemy, finally charged him in turn with the bayonet with such impetuosity as to rout and drive him from his position, I would here mention with pride that shortly previous to this charge Lieutenant Kirby brought his battery into action in a most gallant and spirited manner. His pieces, in charge of Lieutenants Woodruff and French, were run up and unlimbered under a very galling discharge of musketry within less than 100 yards of the enemy, and opened a terrific fire with canister and spherical case, which contributed in a very high degree to break and finally scatter his forces. Generals Burns and Dana were promptly on hand – the former with his whole brigade, the latter with two of his regiments, the Twentieth Massachusetts and Seventh Michigan, the other two, the Nineteenth Massachusetts and the Forty-second New York, having been left behind, the one on picket and the other to protect the crossing and assist the passage of the artillery. General Dana, with the two regiments first mentioned, was ordered to form in column of attack to the rear and left of Kirby's battery, but before the order could be executed it became necessary to push him to the front, where he went immediately into action on the left of Gorman's brigade, sustaining a strong attack and participating in the brilliant and decisive charge of the Thirty-fourth and Eighty-second New York, above referred to, and driving the enemy from point to point for a very considerable distance. General Burns with two regiments took post on the right of Colonel Sully, holding his other two in reserve. It was not the fortune of any of the regiments in this brigade to meet the enemy at close quarters, but all gave unmistakable evidence of being ready if ordered forward to rush to the support of their comrades with alacrity and unshrinking firmness. The One hundred and sixth Pennsylvania, Colonel Morehead, and the Seventy-second Pennsylvania (Baxter's Zouaves), held in reserve, were several times moved from their positions to different portions of the field at double-quick, evincing their eagerness to become engaged. The Sixty-ninth Pennsylvania, Colonel Owen, was thrown to the right toward evening, and held that position during the night and following morning.

Before the result of the contest in the vicinity of Adams' house had been determined I was directed by the general commanding the corps to proceed to the right and take command of that flank, where I found Colonel Sully's regiment so well posted and so judiciously supported by General Burns that little remained for me to do. As the conduct of Gorman's and Dana's troops was more immediately under the personal observation of the corps commander, it becomes unnecessary for me to enter into further details concerning their operations.

On the following (Sunday) morning the enemy renewed the attack with great fury immediately on my left and in front of General Richardson's line. Parts of German's and Dana's brigades and one section of Bartlett's battery were engaged with determined bravery. This action being also under the immediate eye of the corps commander, I forbear to call attention to particulars.

After the close of the engagement on Saturday evening, the enemy having been driven from his position and the firing having ceased, General Burns was ordered to proceed with the Seventy-first Pennsylvania to unite with the Nineteenth Massachusetts and Forty-second New York Regiments and the Sixty-third New York (the last of Richardson's division) to protect our right and rear, in accomplishing which purpose his arrangements were eminently judicious and effective.

Col. C. H. Tompkins, First Rhode Island Artillery, commanding the artillery of the division, was indefatigable in bringing up his batteries. To Capt. F. N. Clarke, chief of artillery of the corps, great praise is due for his untiring energy and zeal in using all the men, is at his command in hastening forward the various batteries of my division as well as of Richardson's. Captains Tompkins and Bartlett after great exertions arrived upon the field with their guns between 7 and 8 p.m. Captain Owen (to whom as well as to the artillery of Richardson's division, Major Bowe, Forty-second New York, with a portion of that regiment rendered most valuable assistance) arrived at daybreak on Sunday. The zeal and energy of these officers are worthy of the highest praise, it being a matter of such exceeding difficulty to bring artillery across the Chickahominy, which was greatly swollen by recent heavy rains, to such an extent, indeed, that the bridges previously built by us had been in great part carried away, that, as I have learned from prisoners taken during the fight, the enemy had declared it to be impossible for us to bring over a single gun.

I commend to the general commanding the corps the gallantry with which the brigadiers led their troops into action, and refer him to their reports regarding the handsome conduct of their staffs and troops, which I fully indorse.

Captain Johnson, commanding a detached company of the Sixth New York Cavalry, though not immediately engaged, rendered valuable services in various ways.

The medical officers of the division, brigade surgeons, surgeons, and assistant surgeons performed their duties with skill and untiring devotion, disregarding the great personal danger to which they were frequently exposed.

My personal staff, Capt. William D. Sedgwick, assistant adjutant-general; Capt. Joseph S. Smith, commissary of subsistence, and Lieut. Church Howe, Fifteenth Massachusetts, aide-de-camp, carried my orders from time to time to various portions of the field under the hottest fire with an alacrity and coolness highly commendable.

Capt. R. N. Batchelder, division quartermaster, was, much to his own regret, ordered to remain with the train, but his services were invaluable in pushing forward the ammunition and supplies under great difficulties so rapidly that they arrived before the least want of them had been experienced.

I have the honor to be, captain, with much respect, your obedient servant,

 JOHN SEDGWICK,

 Brigadier-General Volunteers, Commanding Division.

Capt. J. H. TAYLOR,

Chief of Staff and Acting Asst. Adjt. Gen., Sumner's Corps.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, Correspondence of John Sedgwick, Major-General, Volume 2, p. 51-7; The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 11, Part 1 (Serial No. 12), p. 791-3

Lieutenant William Brockenbrough Newton to Mary Page Newton, July 22, 1861

Centreville, July 22,1861.

My Dear —: — For the last four days we have never been longer than two hours in any one place, have slept upon the ground in good weather and bad, eaten nothing but crackers and fried bacon, and rested little at any time; for all of which privations and a thousand others we have been more than compensated (thanks to the just God who governs the councils of history and decrees the destiny of nations) in the glorious results of yesterday. On the morning of the 17th, we had received reliable information that the enemy was advancing, over 50,000 strong, and were not surprised, at five o'clock in the morning, to hear the fire of our pickets, who were slowly retiring before the advancing foe. The order was given to pack. In ten minutes baggage was packed, tents struck, and the wagons driven to the rear; and the whole command forward to line of battle. In a few minutes the glittering bayonets of the enemy lined the neighbouring hills. From the heavy signal-guns being fired at intervals along our line — commencing at Germantown and stretching along to Fairfax Court-House — it was evident that the enemy was endeavouring to surround our little band; but our “Little Trump,” as the men call Beauregard, was not to be taken by any such game. Every preparation was made to deceive the enemy, by inducing him to believe that we meditated a vigorous resistance Meantime our column defiled through a densely wooded road, and was far on the way to Centreville when the enemy discovered his mistake. He followed on very cautiously.  To our troop, with Kemper's Battery, was assigned the post of honour, and charged with the duty of covering the retreat. We were the last to leave the village, and as we went out at one end of the street, his column appeared at the other. We halted at this place about four o'clock in the afternoon, and again made show of battle — slept until twelve o'clock at the heads of our horses. We silently left the place, the enemy's pickets being within hailing distance of our own. At daybreak we were across Bull Run, having marched very slowly to keep pace with the infantry. We found beds of leaves in the woods, wrapped ourselves in our blankets, and slept for an hour or two, until we were aroused by the roar of the enemy's guns as he opened his batteries upon our lines. For two mortal hours shot and shell flew thick along our whole line. This day's work was evidently intended only to draw the fire of our artillery, and show where our batteries were, in consequence of which our gunners were ordered not to fire a single shot, unless within point-blank range. After thus opening the ball, two dense masses of infantry were sent to defile to the right and left, to make two separate attacks. It was indeed a beautiful sight as they came down in perfect order, and with the stealthy step of veterans. They came nearer and yet nearer, and yet no shot from our guns. Our men began to mutter, and say that we were preparing for another retreat. But in a few moments the appointed time arrived. A single shot from the Washington Artillery gave the signal of death, and for half an hour there was nothing but a continuous sheet of flame along the right of our lines. The enemy fell back, rallied, and charged again, with a like result. Again they rested, and rushed forward, but old Virginia was true to herself, and the gallant Seventeenth and Eighteenth Regiments charged them with the bayonet, and drove them back in utter confusion. The cavalry were held in reserve, and although within range of the artillery, and constantly experiencing the sensation which men may be supposed to indulge, who know there is a hidden danger hovering in the air, without knowing where it is to light, took no part in the action. Our time came yesterday, however. Our troop was for four hours in the hottest of the fight, and every man in it won the applause and approbation of the whole camp. The action commenced at eight o'clock on the sweet Sabbath morning. The enemy commenced with quite a heavy cannonade upon our right, which proved to be a mere feint, to distract our attention, as his main attack was directed to our left wing. At ten o'clock the enemy had crossed the river on our left, and then the fighting commenced in earnest. From the hill on which we stood, we could see, from the smoke and dust, though at the distance of several miles, how the fight was waging on our left. Some thought the enemy was retreating; others that our men had fallen back. It was an hour of painful interest. At eleven o'clock an aid-de-camp rode up in a gallop, and said our men were retiring — the cavalry was ordered to the left. We were temporarily attached to Radford's regiment — ours was the first company, and mine was the first platoon. On we dashed in a gallop, and as we passed within range of a battery of rifled cannon a ball was fired at us which passed between Wickham and myself, knocking up a cloud of dust. Without wavering in their ranks, the men and horses dashed forward at a gallop. As we reached the scene of action the sight was discouraging in the extreme. The enemy had at first the advantage of every attacking party. He had concentrated his forces for an attack upon one point. The First Louisiana Regiment and the Fourth Alabama, attacked in flank and centre by 30,000 men, were literally cut to pieces. They refused to surrender, but retired slowly, disputing every inch of ground. As we rode up we could meet parts of companies which had been utterly overwhelmed—the men wounded, their arms broken, while some of them were carrying off their dead in blankets. Every thing looked like retreat. We were ordered up to within five hundred yards of the enemy's artillery, behind a hill which afforded some protection against their destructive fire. For one hour the fire raged with incessant fury. A ball passed over the hill and through our ranks, grazing one of our men. A shell exploded just under Radford's horse, and every minute shot and shell were continually whistling by us. I can give you no conception of that awful hour. Not a man shrank from his post. Two of our men were taken exceedingly sick, one fainting from the heat and excitement. Such calmness and composure I never witnessed. To make the matter worse, despondency, if not despair, was fast writing itself upon every face. The fire was evidently approaching us. Our friends were retiring, and the whispered rumour passed from lip to lip that our artillery ammunition was running low. In a moment, however, a cloud of dust in our rear showed the approach of our wagons, coming up at a dashing rate, with a fresh supply. Our reinforcements now commenced pouring in. Georgia, South Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, and Tennessee swept by in their glittering array with the calm light of battle on their faces, and their bayonets gleaming in the quiet Sabbath sunshine. No man faltered, no man lagged behind. Neither the groans of the dying nor the shrieks of the wounded, as they passed by in crowded ambulances, seemed to produce any impression except to fix the determination upon the countenances of all, to win or to die upon the field. The tide now seemed to ebb, just enough to keep us from despair. The firing did not advance, although the explosion of their shells was terrific in the extreme. A gleam of hope, too, gradually broke in upon us, when Kemper's Battery, which had been posted in our centre, galloped up and opened a destructive fire upon our extreme left. The advance was evidently checked, when a loud cheer in the front told us that something unusual had happened. What was it? Was it the triumph of our enemies over our poor stricken friends; or was it some advantage gained by courage in defence of right? The suspense was awful. Men stood straight in their stirrups and stretched their eyes as if they could pierce the rugged bosom of the barren hill which raised its scarred front between them. An aid passed up. His message is written on his face, and before he speaks a word a wild shout breaks from the throats of thousands. When he speaks, another, another and another round of cheers told the story to our hitherto sinking hearts. The Fourth Virginia Regiment had taken Sprague's Rhode Island Battery of six pieces, at the point of the bayonet. Scarcely had the echo of our cheers died away when again the noise of shouting broke upon the air. What was it? Had the enemy rallied and retaken the guns? Fear struggled with hope. But no: the gallant Twenty-seventh, envious of the glorious achievement of the Fourth, at a single dash had charged a regiment of regulars, swept them from the field, and taken every gun in Sherman's Battery.¹  The firing of musketry and the rattling of bayonets was now terrible beyond description. For one hour there was an incessant cracking of rifles, without a single moment's pause. The enemy were evidently retiring, and unless reinforced from the left and centre, the day was ours.

To prevent this, our field telegraph had already given the signal for movement upon our own right, and a heavy fire of musketry and artillery told us that Bonham's Brigade, to which we had been attached in the morning, had crossed the run and were pouring it into the enemy's centre. The South Carolina boys dashed up the hill in face of a murderous fire, bayoneted their gunners, and took quiet possession of their central battery. It was three o'clock, and the day was ours. The Washington Artillery galloped up the hill on which we were posted, and opened a perfect Vesuvius of shot and shell upon the receding foe. Colonel Lay then rode up and told us that the time for us to act had arrived. Our whole body of cavalry, 2,700 strong, now rushed like the wind to the front. It was indeed a brilliant spectacle, as, with slackened rein and sabres drawn, the whole command dashed past. The whole line resounded with continued cheering. The force was divided into different detachments. Colonel Radford, with six companies, was ordered to cross a short distance below the enemy's extreme right, and intercept his column. Our company was in front, and I was riding in front of my platoon, when, after crossing the swamp, we came suddenly on a detachment of the enemy concealed in the bushes, with their pieces levelled. The Colonel ordered the charge, and our boys rushed on. Poor Edmund Fontaine was at my side when we rode over two of them, and they grounded their arms to Ed. Winston, who was just in our rear. We galloped on in pursuit of the rest, who retreated across a field, towards the road on which the enemy was retreating. Fontaine was just behind me. Saunders, a fine young fellow, just twenty-four years of age, and splendidly mounted, dashed by us. The enemy had concealed themselves behind a fence; we rode up, and I demanded their surrender; they made no reply. I ordered Saunders to fire; before he levelled his carbine the whole squad poured in a volley. Saunders fell dead at my feet, and Edmund Fontaine reeled in his saddle, exclaiming, “Save me, boys; I am killed!” He was caught in the arms of his cousin, who was just in my rear. Three of my platoon fired, and the two who had shot Fontaine and Saunders fell dead in their tracks. We were now in full view of the enemy's columns, passing in rapid and disorderly retreat along the road, with two pieces of artillery, a large number of baggage-wagons, and some officers' carriages. Colonel Radford, who is a soldier of experience, knew the strength of the enemy and ordered a halt, commanding the men to form. But such a thing was utterly impossible. The men seemed perfectly delirious with excitement, and with a wild shout of, “The guns, the guns!” our whole company rushed pell-mell upon the battery, which proved to be another detachment of the Rhode Island Artillery. Such a scene of wild excitement I never witnessed. My platoon had been detached from the company, and the company from the regiment. There were two caissons and two guns; the guns behind the caissons. My platoon, which was furthest down the road, rushed upon the men who guarded them. One fellow was standing on the caisson, whipping the horses to make them run; they had become so much alarmed that they stood perfectly still, and trembled. I made a blow at him with my sabre, knocked him off the caisson, and he was shot twice before he reached the ground. Meantime Wms. C. Wickham (who behaved admirably), with the main body, crossed the road higher up, and when the main body of the regiment came up, our company, with some of the Alexandria cavalry, had killed and wounded every man at the guns, and driven the infantry supports in rapid retreat. When we left we expected to be supported by infantry and artillery, and you may imagine our astonishment when, with not quite 300 men, we found that we had nearly cut into the enemy's column, and upon looking one hundred yards down the road, we found them preparing to open on us with two guns supported by six regiments of infantry. The Colonel at once ordered a retreat, so we shot the horses to the caissons, so as to block up the road, and retreated, not, however, before they had poured in upon us four rounds of grape and canister at one hundred and fifty yards' distance. How we escaped a perfect massacre I cannot say. Had they not been so close to us the slaughter would have been terrible. Four of our men were killed. Captain Radford, brother of the Colonel, was literally blown to pieces.  I escaped without a scratch, (as did all the rest of the officers,) excepting quite a severe bruise caused by my horse having pressed my leg against the wheel to the gun-carriage. We brought off several prisoners, a great many pistols, and several horses. Just ahead of the guns was a very handsome open carriage. As soon as they saw us, such a rush! It is suspected, or rather hoped, that Wilson, of Massachusetts, (who was, it is known, on the field,) was in it. One of our men, Linkey by name, took it into his head that General Scott was in it, pursued and overtook it, but at the distance of thirty steps fired his musketine, with eighteen buck-shot, right into the back window.

As we returned, a melancholy mistake occurred. Bowles, our second lieutenant, who was carrying poor Fontaine to the hospital, with one or two others, met a detachment of four of the Appomattox cavalry, who hailed him. It is said that, instead of giving the signal agreed upon in our camp, by raising the hand to the top of the head, he took them for the enemy, and answered “Federal troops.” They fired and he fell dead. Our company received, upon its return, the congratulations of every officer on General Bonham's staff, to whom Colonel R. had spoken of the conduct of our men. To-day it has been raining incessantly. Our column pushed on this morning to this place. Our company was assigned the advance-guard, and this morning at ten o'clock, I had the honor of occupying the city of Centreville. The citizens tell us that about twelve o'clock last night the cry passed through the camp that the Virginia horsemen were upon them, when they left in wild confusion. Our triumph has been complete. In two days our noble army has driven them back to Alexandria, captured forty-two guns, many colors, and how many prisoners I will not venture to say. After we reached this place, we were ordered to explore the surrounding country in quest of fugitives. We took eighteen prisoners, and got back just at night, very wet. You never saw such a collection of property as was left in their flight. Hundreds of muskets, gun-carriages, wagon horses; thousands of knapsacks, oil-cloths and blankets, hogsheads of sugar, barrels of pork, beans, etc.; in short, every thing you can conceive. We found to-day over five hundred splendid army overcoats.

The men are amusing themselves to-night reading letters, of which there were thousands left on the field. Some of them were directed to Mr. So-and-So, expected at Manassas Junction. Some asked for a piece of the floor of the house in which Ellsworth was killed, with blood on it; while others confidently express the belief that Beauregard's scalp was to be carried to Washington. When I tell you that we supped to-night on Yankee crackers, Yankee coffee, and a nice beef-tongue, actually left on the hearth of one of the officers' quarters, in a kettle, ready to be set on the fire — that this is written with a Yankee pencil, given me by one of the men, and on Yankee paper, taken from their wagons, and that I am sitting on a Yankee camp-stool, and writing by a Yankee candle, you can form some idea of the utter rout. I have a pincushion for L., picked up on the field, a needle-case for K., and a sword taken from a Vermont volunteer, for W. Our troops occupy Fairfax Court House to-day. I will try and see you soon. Good-night. God bless and protect you. I feel that he has protected me in the last few days, in answer to the prayers of a pious wife. I hope that I feel grateful for my preservation.

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¹ The capture attributed to the 27th Virginia is probably a mistake. The honor claimed for that regiment has since been ascribed to Fisher's 6th North Carolina regiment. In the excitement of the occasion, the writer of the letter may have been misinformed. The author is glad to make the correction. All honor is certainly due to the noble “Old North State,” which, it has always been said, sent a larger number of troops to the field, in proportion to its population, than any other State in the Confederacy, and which buried so many thousands of its gallant sons, in defence of our “lost cause.”

Note By The Publishers. — Both the statements are probably true, to some extent. We have unquestionable evidence that Fisher's regiment captured one section of Sherman's battery just before Col. Fisher received his mortal wound. But the same evidence shows that there was another section (both under Captain Ricketts) which was captured by other troops; our friend does not know what troops, but no doubt the 27th Virginia.

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 55-64, 360

Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, May 10, 1864

May 10, 1864

[Tuesday] there was sharp fighting all along the line. General Mott's division of the 2d Corps was put on the left of the 6th Corps, with the idea of making a connection with Burnside and then swinging our left to take the enemy in flank. I was ordered early to go to General Wright and explain to him, then to General Mott and direct him to demonstrate along his front and feel on the left for Burnside. General Wright had moved his Headquarters and had put them a little back and on one side, being moved thereto by the fact that the first selection was a focus for shells. Then I rode along the lines to General Mott and got his position as well as I could, and gave him the order. Coming back to General Wright, I had a sharp corner to go through. A battery was firing at one of ours and the shells coming over struck right among our infantry. They cut the pine trees about me in a manner I didn't like, and one burst close by, throwing the pieces round just as you see them in French battle pictures. All day there was firing. About eleven came General Meade and told me to go out at once to Mott and to get a written report from him, which I did; and a sharpshooter shot at me, which I hate — it is so personal. More by token, poor General Rice, a Massachusetts man and very daring, was to-day killed by a sharpshooter. The ball broke his thigh, and, when they amputated his leg, he never rallied. As he lay on the stretcher, he called out to General Meade: “Don't you give up this fight! I am willing to lose my life, if it is to be; but don't you give up this fight!” All day we were trying to select places for an assault. Barlow crossed the Po on the right, but was afterwards ordered back, and had a brilliant rear-guard fight in which he punished the enemy. From five to six P.M. there was heavy cannonading, the battalions firing by volley. At 6.30 Upton, with a heavy column of picked men, made a most brilliant assault with the bayonet, at the left of the Sixth Corps. The men rushed on, without firing a shot, carried the breastworks in the face of cannon and musketry, and took 900 prisoners. Some of the men, who faltered, were run through the body by their comrades! But Mott's men on the left behaved shamefully, and so Upton was obliged again to fall back, bringing his prisoners with him.¹ . . .

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¹ “11 P.m. Grant in consultation with Meade. Wright came up also; he uttered no complaints, but said quietly and firmly to Meade: ‘General, I don't want Mott's men on my left; they are not a support; I would rather have no troops there!’ Warren is not up to a corps command. As in the Mine Run move, so here, he cannot spread himself over three divisions. He cannot do it, and the result is partial and ill-concerted and dilatory movements.” — Lyman's Journal.

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 108-10

From New York

NEW YORK, May 9.

Gen. Marcy telegraphs the following:

WILLIAMSBURG, May 8.

Gen. McClellan, on the 6th inst., had a most decisive victory.  Only about 30,000 of our troops were engaged against 50,000 of the best rebel troops.  Our men fought most valiantly, and used  the bayonet freely which the rebels couldn’t stand.  They fought well until they felt the cold steel, when they took to their heels and ran like hounds, leaving their dead, wounded and sick upon our hands.  Joe Johnson [sic] lead them in person.  They have lost several of their best officers.

The Herald’s correspondence gives the following graphic account of the magnificent charge of Hancock’s brigade on the rebels:  “Scarcely a hundred yards were between the rebels and the guns, when our skirmish fire became silent.  The lines of the 5th Wisconsin and the 3d New York formed up in close order to the right of the battery; the long range of musket barrels came to one level, and one terrible volley tore through the rebel line; moment more, and the same long range of muskets came to another level, and the order to charge with the bayonet was given, and away went the two regiments with one glad cheer.  Gallant as our foes were, they could not meet that.  But few brigades mentioned in history would have done better than this did.  For a space which was generally estimated at three quarters of a mile they advanced under fire of a splendidly served battery, and with a cloud of skirmishers stretched across their front, whose fire was very destructive, and if after that the rebels had not the nerve to meet a line of bayonets that came towards them like the spirit of destruction, it need not be wondered at when they broke and fled in complete panic.  145 were taken prisoners, and nearly 500 were killed and wounded.”

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Saturday Morning, May 10, 1862, p. 2