Robert Mallory in the United States House of Representatives, July 5, 1862

I shall redeem my implied pledge to the House not to take up much of their time upon this matter.  I merely wish to put myself right in regard to a statement made to my venerable colleague [Charles A. Wickliffe] who just addressed the house.

I cordially concur in most of the sentiments expressed by my colleague in regard to this letter of General Hunter, which a few days since was read from the Clark’s desk.  Neither he nor any other man can condemn in severe terms than I do the whole spirit of that letter and its whole style.  No man can disapprove more strongly the system of arming slaves, which that general has sought to inaugurate in the South, as shown by his letter to the Secretary of War.  I believe, as my colleague does, and as I hope many gentlemen of the Republican party in this House believe, that it is contrary to the rules that should govern a civilized nation in conducting a war.

I shrink from arming the slave, using him to shoot down white men, knowing his depraved nature as I do.  I would as soon think of enlisting the Indian, and of arming him with the tomahawk and scalping knife, to be let loose upon our rebellious countrymen, as to arm the negro in this contest.

But I recollect, and I shall continue to do as long as I live, the scene which occurred in this Hall when that memorable letter was read at the Clerk’s desk.  Many things have been said here, many statements have gone the rounds of the public press about the indecorum and disorder which prevail in this Hall, that, in my opinion were calumnies upon the character of this House; but none of them can overdraw the picture which was presented here the other day when that letter was read.  The scene was one of which I think this House should forever be ashamed.

We were here in the consideration of questions the most solemn and grave that ever claimed their attention of an American Congress.  Grave consideration, calm and deliberate reflection, should have characterized the proceedings of this body on that occasion.  But, sir, when that letter was read at the Clerk’s desk, a spectator in the gallery would have supposed we were witnessing the performance of a buffoon or of a low farce actor upon the stage.  And the reading of the letter on that occasion, containing, as it did, sentiments calculated to shock humanity, written in a style showing the contempt of the writer for this House, was received with loud applause and boisterous manifestations of approbation by the Republican members of the House.  I never witnessed a scene more deeply mortifying.  I shall not lose the memory of it while I live.  It was a scene, in my opinion, disgraceful to the American Congress.

SOURCE: United States. Congress. The Congressional Globe: Containing the Debates and Proceedings of the Second Session of the Thirty-Seventh Congress, book, 1862; Washington D.C.. (digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc30813/: accessed October 2, 2017), University of North Texas Libraries, Digital Library, digital.library.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department., July 5, 1862, p. 3,124-5

A Word to Messrs. Wickliffe and Mallory — What The Forefathers Thought of the Military Capacity of the Blacks.

It is perhaps too much to expect of our enlightened Congressmen that they shall inform themselves of what their predecessors in the National Legislature thought and said on subjects they are now discussing. If they would take this trouble, however, it would often, certainly, save a great deal of time that might be otherwise better employed. For instance, the House of Representatives consumed the best part of Saturday last in debating the military capacity of the Blacks. Now, this whole question was thoroughly discussed in the very first Congress held in 1790; and if the honorable members had taken the pains to consult their files of GALES & SEATON, they might have saved themselves a good deal of pulmonary exercitation, without leaving the country any less wise than it was before. The using of the Blacks is a question of practical policy which may or may not be adopted, as exigencies shall demand; but speculations on the military capacity of the negroes are abstractions that can lead to nothing. Meanwhile, we commend to Messrs. WICKLIFFE, MALLORY & Co., who think “negroes are naturally afraid of guns,” and that “one shot from a cannon would disperse thirty thousand of them,” the views of another Southern member some seventy-two years ago. Mr. SMITH, member from South Carolina, in the House of Representatives 1790, in the course of an elaborate debate on the question, said:

"Negroes, it was said, would not fight; but he would ask whether it was owing to their being black, or to their being slaves? If to their being black, then emancipating them would not remedy the evil, for they would still remain black; If it was owing to their being slaves, he denied the position; for it was an undeniable truth that in many countries slaves made excellent soldiers. * * Had experience proved that the negroes would not make good soldiers? He did not assert that they would, but they had never been tried. Discipline was everything; white militia made but indifferent soldiers before they were disciplined. It was well known that, according to the present art of war, a soldier was a mere machine, and he did not see why a black machine was not as good as a white one; and in one respect the black troops would have the advantage — in appearing more horrible in the eyes of the enemy.”

SOURCE: The New York Times, New York, New York, Monday, July 7, 1862, p. 4