South Carolina Legislature.

The South Carolina Legislature, in pursuance of the Proclamation of the Governor, assembled in Columbia on Monday last.

In the Senate, the Hon. F. J. MOSES was called to the Chair, certificates of election read, and members duly qualified.  The Hon. W. D. PORTER was unanimously elected President, and upon assuming the Chair, addressed the body in a short impressive speech.

Gen. W. E. MARTIN was then elected Clerk, A. D. GOODWYN Reading Clerk, and —— GAILLARD Door-keeper.

In the House of Representatives, Mr. BOYLSTON, of Fairfield, upon motion of Mr. BUIST, of Charleston, was called to the Chair, for the purpose of organization.  The certificates of election were read, and the members elected duly sworn in.  A ballot was ordered for the election of Speaker, and Gen. SIMONS having received 110 votes – all the votes cast – was declared unanimously elected.  Upon being conducted to the Chair, the Speaker returned his thanks in feeling and appropriate terms.

The following message was received from His Excellency the Governor, and read by his Private Secretary, Col. Watts.  It commanded the earnest attention of the house.

EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT,}

COLUMBIA, S. C., Nov. 5, 1860.}

Gentlemen of the Senate and the House of Representatives:

The Act of Congress passed in the year 1846, enacts that “the Electors of President and Vice President shall be appointed on Tuesday next after the first Monday of the month of November of the year in which they are to be appointed.”  The annual meeting of the Legislature of South Carolina, by a constitutional provision, will not take place until the fourth Monday in November instant, and I have considered it my duty, under the authority conferred upon me to convene the Legislature on extraordinary occasions, to convene you, that you may on tomorrow appoint the number of Electors of President and Vice President to which this state is entitled.

Under ordinary circumstances, your duty could soon be discharged, by the election of Electors, representing the choice of the people of the State; but in view of the threatening aspect of affairs, and the strong probability of the election to the Presidency of a sectional candidate, by a party committed to the support of measures which, if carried out, inevitably destroy our equality in the Union, and ultimately reduce the Southern States to mere provinces of a consolidated despotism, to be governed by a fixed majority in Congress, hostile to our institutions, and fatally bent upon our ruin, I would respectfully suggest that the Legislature remain in session, and take such action as well prepare the State for any emergency that may arise.

That an expression of the will of the people may be obtained on a question involving such momentous consequences, I would earnestly recommend, that in the event of the election of Abraham Lincoln to the Presidency, a Convention of the people of this state be immediately called to determine “the mode and measure of redress.”

My own opinions of what the Convention should do are of little moment; but believing that the time has arrived when every one, however humble he may be, should express his opinions in the unmistakable language, I am constrained to say, that the only alternative left in my judgment, is the secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union.  The indications from many of the Southern States justify the conclusion that the secession of South Carolina will be immediately followed, if not adopted simultaneoulsy by them, and ultimately by the entire South.  The long desired co operation of the other States, having similar institutions, for which the State has been waiting, seems to be nearer at hand, and, if we are true to ourselves, will soon be realized.  The State has, with great unanimity, declared that she has the right [peaceably] to secede, and no power on earth can rightfully prevent it.  If, in the exercise of arbitrary power, and forgetful of the lessons of history, the Government of the United States should attempt coercion, it will become our solemn duty to meet force by force; and whatever may be the decision of the Convention representing the sovereignty of the State – and amenable to no earthly tribunal – shall, during the remainder of my administration, be carried out to the letter, regardless of any hazards that may surround its execution.  I would also respectfully recommend a thorough reorganization of the Militia, so as to place the whole military force of the State in a position to be sued at the shortest notice, and with the greatest efficiency.  Every man in the State, between the ages of eighteen and forty five, should be well armed with the most effective weapons of modern warfare, and all available means of the State used for that purpose.

In addition to this general preparation, I would also recommend that the service of ten thousand volunteers be immediately accepted; that they be organized and drilled by officers chosen by themselves, and hold themselves in readiness to be called on upon by the shortest notice.

With this preparation for defence – and with all the hallowed memories of past achievements – and with our love of liberty and hatred of tyranny – and with the knowledge that we are contending for the safety of our homes and firesides – we confidently appeal to the Disposer of all human events, and safely trust our cause in His keeping.

WM. H. GIST.

In the House Mr. Cunningham (of Charleston) offered a resolution authorizing the Governor to use the appropriation of $100,000 ordered by the Acts of 1859, for any proper purpose of common defence and peace requirements.

The recommendations of the Governors message were made the special order for Thursday at 1 o’clock in the Senate and House.  In the House W. C. INGLIS has been elected Reading Clerk; A. P. NICHOLSON messenger, and C. M. GRAY Door-keeper.

— Published in The Abbeville Press, Abbeville, South Carolina, Friday Morning, November 9, 1860, p. 2

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: March 28, 1862

I did leave with regret Maum Mary. She was such a good, well-informed old thing. My Molly, though perfection otherwise, does not receive the confidential communications of new-made generals at the earliest moment. She is of very limited military information. Maum Mary was the comfort of my life. She saved me from all trouble as far as she could. Seventy, if she is a day, she is spry and active as a cat, of a curiosity that knows no bounds, black and clean; also, she knows a joke at first sight, and she is honest. I fancy the negroes are ashamed to rob people as careless as James Chesnut and myself.

One night, just before we left the Congaree House, Mr. Chesnut had forgotten to tell some all-important thing to Governor Gist, who was to leave on a public mission next day. So at the dawn of day he put on his dressing-gown and went to the Governor's room. He found the door unlocked and the Governor fast asleep. He shook him. Half-asleep, the Governor sprang up and threw his arms around Mr. Chesnut's neck and said: “Honey, is it you?” The mistake was rapidly set right, and the bewildered plenipotentiary was given his instructions. Mr. Chesnut came into my room, threw himself on the sofa, and nearly laughed himself to extinction, imitating again and again the pathetic tone of the Governor's greeting.

Mr. Chesnut calls Lawrence “Adolphe,” but says he is simply perfect as a servant. Mary Stevens said: “I thought Cousin James the laziest man alive until I knew his man, Lawrence.” Lawrence will not move an inch or lift a finger for any one but his master. Mrs. Middleton politely sent him on an errand; Lawrence, too, was very polite; hours after, she saw him sitting on the fence of the front yard. “Didn't you go?” she asked. “No, ma'am. I am waiting for Mars Jeems.” Mrs. Middleton calls him now, “Mr. Take-it-Easy.”

My very last day's experience at the Congaree. I was waiting for Mars Jeems in the drawing-room when a lady there declared herself to be the wife of an officer in Clingman's regiment. A gentleman who seemed quite friendly with her, told her all Mr. Chesnut said, thought, intended to do, wrote, and felt. I asked: “Are you certain of all these things you say of Colonel Chesnut?” The man hardly deigned to notice this impertinent interruption from a stranger presuming to speak but who had not been introduced! After he went out, the wife of Clingman's officer was seized with an intuitive curiosity. “Madam, will you tell me your name?” I gave it, adding, “I dare say I showed myself an intelligent listener when my husband's affairs were under discussion.” At first, I refused to give my name because it would have embarrassed her friend if she had told him who I was. The man was Mr. Chesnut's secretary, but I had never seen him before.

A letter from Kate says she had been up all night preparing David's things. Little Serena sat up and helped her mother. They did not know that they would ever see him again. Upon reading it, I wept and James Chesnut cursed the Yankees.

Gave the girls a quantity of flannel for soldiers' shirts; also a string of pearls to be raffled for at the Gunboat Fair. Mary Witherspoon has sent a silver tea-pot. We do not spare our precious things now. Our silver and gold, what are they? — when we give up to war our beloved.

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 153-5

Governor William H. Gist to William Henry Trescot, November 29, 1860

[confidential.]

Executive Department,

Columbia, S. C, November 29, 1860.

Mr. W. H. Trescot.

Dear Sir: I take the liberty, from your general character and without the pleasure of a personal acquaintance, to ask if you have any objections, in the event of your connection with the Federal Government ceasing, to remain in Washington and act as confidential agent for this Department. It is important to have some one at Washington to give me the earliest information of what transpires affecting the interest of this State, and I know no one so acceptable as yourself. It is probable that the Convention will want some one on the spot through whom the information of its final action can be authoritatively communicated to the President at the earliest moment and an answer received. If you remain I will inform the Convention that you are in Washington, and suggest that you be selected to perform this delicate and important duty. If there is any inquiry as to the course South Carolina will pursue, you may safely say that she will not permit any increase of troops or munitions of war in the forts or arsenal, and, considering it an evidence of intention to coerce and an act of war, she will use force to prevent it, and a collision must inevitably ensue. I have had great trouble, as it is, to prevent an attack upon the forts, and will not be able (if willing) to prevent an attack upon them if another soldier is sent there. Of course, I do not expect you to act in the premises until your duty to the Federal Government ceases, but I cannot but anticipate such a result soon. An early answer is requested.

Very respectfully and truly yours,

wm. H. Gist.

SOURCE: Samuel Wylie Crawford, The Genesis of the Civil War: The Story of Sumter, 1860-1861, p. 32

Governor William H. Gist to William Henry Trescot, November 29, 1860

executive Office,

columbia, S. C, November 29, 1860.

Mr. Wm. Henry Trescot.

Dear Sir: Although South Carolina is determined to secede from the Federal Union very soon after her Convention meets, yet the desire of her constituted authorities is, not to do anything that will bring on a collision before the ordinance of secession has been passed and notice has been given to the President of the fact; and not then, unless compelled to do so by the refusal of the President to recognize our right to secede, by attempting to interfere with our exports or imports, or by refusal to surrender the forts and arsenals in our limits. I have found great difficulty in restraining the people of Charleston from seizing the forts, and have only been able to restrain them by the assurance that no additional troops would be sent to the forts, or any munitions of war. Everything is now quiet, and will remain so until the ordinance is passed, if no more soldiers or munitions of war are sent on. That is to say, I will use my utmost efforts to effect that object, and believe I will succeed; but the Legislature and myself would be powerless to prevent a collision if a single soldier or another gun or ammunition is sent on to be placed in the forts. If President Buchanan takes a course different from the one indicated and sends on a reinforcement, the responsibility will rest on him of lighting the torch of discord, which will only be quenched in blood. I am under a pledge to sanction resistance, and to use all the military power of the State to prevent any increase of troops in these garrisons, and had to make the pledge to restrain the people, who are restive, and hope no necessity will arise to compel me to redeem the pledge. I write to you knowing that, while you will be faithful to the Government of the United States as long as you hold office under it, yet you are also a South Carolinian, and would desire, by all means, to avoid the needless shedding of blood. If you think there is no impropriety in showing this letter to the President you are at liberty to do so, for I do not wish him to be mistaken and act in such a way as to bring upon the country a bloody war, without the most imperious necessity.

Very truly yours,

wm. H. Gist

SOURCE: Samuel Wylie Crawford, The Genesis of the Civil War: The Story of Sumter, 1860-1861, p. 31-2

William Henry Trescot to Governor William H. Gist, November 26, 1860

(strictly Confidential.)

washington, November 26, 1860.

Dear Sir: I am aware (and I do not deem it necessary to specify my source of information) that apprehensions exist in the mind of the President that before the State acts in convention some attempt will be made to take the forts in Charleston harbor. Feeling that his personal honor would be involved in such an attempt, he may make his apprehensions the pretext or ground on which to order an increased force to those posts. This order will be resisted to the very last, and at any cost, by the Southern members of the Cabinet, but they would be incalculably strengthened in their position if you were at liberty to say directly to the President that you could answer, on your responsibility, that so long as no change was made in these garrisons, so long as no additional force was sent there and the State remained in the Union, no such attempt would be made, and that any increase of force made in the face of this notice would lead to instant collision, and that for every drop of blood shed under such circumstances he, and he alone, would be responsible.

I wish you distinctly to understand that there is no possibility of such an order being issued without the dissolution of the Cabinet and your receiving ample notice. While I answer for this, I write with the confidence that such an assurance will prevent any hasty and indiscreet movement on the part of the State. Believing that you agree fully with me that, for the sake of the State and of the South, our move toward secession ought to be regular and orderly, and that all collision should be avoided, and feeling that the Southern members of the Cabinet are entitled to the support of the State, I write to you to indicate how you can support them. To that point alone, this letter is addressed. If it becomes necessary for the State to look to itself, you shall know promptly and certainly.

If, therefore, you can write such a letter as I indicate, the Southern members of the Cabinet can rest upon it triumphantly no such order will be issued in the face of it, and if it is, you will be free to act, will have ample information as to the necessity of action, and the whole responsibility of what comes will be, not on the head of South Carolina, but of the President of the United States.

If so, your letter must be here by return mail, directed under cover to me. Telegraph me also when this is received, and if you intend to answer yes or no to my proposition. Details I cannot give you, but trust that my signature will command your confidence.

I am, yours respectfully,

wm. Henry Trescot.

To Governor Gist.

SOURCE: Samuel Wylie Crawford, The Genesis of the Civil War: The Story of Sumter, 1860-1861, p. 30-1