To Department about nine. State Department messenger came,
with notice to Heads of Departments to meet at 12. — Received sundry
callers.—Went to White House.
All the members of the Cabinet were in attendance. There was
some general talk; President mentioned that Artemus Ward had sent him his book.
Proposed to read a chapter which he thought very funny. Read it, and seemed to
enjoy it very much — the Heads also (except Stanton) of course. The chapter was
“High
handed Outrage at Utica”
The President then took a graver tone and said:—
“Gentlemen: I have, as you are aware, thought a great deal
about the relation of this war to Slavery: and you all remember that, several
weeks ago, I read to you an
Order I had prepared on this subject, which, on account of objections made
by some of you, was not issued. Ever since then, my mind has been much occupied
with this subject, and I have thought all along that the time for acting on it
might very probably come. I think the time has come now. I wish it were a
better time. I wish that we were in a better condition. The action of the army
against the rebels has not been quite what I should have best liked. But they
have been driven out of Maryland, and Pennsylvania is no longer in danger of
invasion. When the rebel army was at Frederick, I determined, as soon as it
should be driven out of Maryland, to issue a Proclamation
of Emancipation such as I thought most likely to be useful. I said nothing
to any one; but I made the promise to myself, and (hesitating a little) — to my
Maker. The rebel army is now driven out, and I am going to fulfill that
promise. I have got you together to hear what I have written down. I do not
wish your advice about the main matter — for that I have determined for myself.
This I say without intending anything but respect for any one of you. But I
already know the views of each on this question. They have been heretofore
expressed, and I have considered them as thoroughly and carefully as I can.
What I have written is that which my reflections have determined me to say. If
there is anything in the expressions I use, or in any other minor matter, which
any one of you thinks had best be changed, I shall be glad to receive the
suggestions. One other observation I will make. I know very well that many
others might, in this matter, as in others, do better than I can; and if I were
satisfied that the public confidence was more fully possessed by any one of
them than by me, and knew of any Constitutional way in which he could be put in
my place, he should have it. I would gladly yield it to him. But though I
believe that I have not so much of the confidence of the people as I had some
time since, I do not know that, all things considered, any other person has
more; and, however this may be, there is no way in which I can have any
other man put where I am. I am here. I must do the best I can, and bear the
responsibility of taking the course which I feel I ought to take.”
The President then proceeded to read his Emancipation
Proclamation, making remarks on the several parts as he went on, and showing
that he had fully considered the whole subject, in all the lights under which
it had been presented to him.
After he had closed, Gov. Seward said: “The general question
having been decided, nothing can be said further about that. Would it not,
however, make the Proclamation more clear and decided, to leave out all
reference to the act being sustained during the incumbency of the present
President; and not merely say that the Government ‘recognizes,’ but that it
will maintain the freedom it proclaims?" I followed, saying: “What you have said, Mr.
President, fully satisfies me that you have given to every proposition which
has been made, a kind and candid consideration. And you have now expressed the
conclusion to which you have arrived, clearly and distinctly. This it was your
right, and under your oath of office your duty, to do. The Proclamation does
not, indeed, mark out exactly the course I should myself prefer. But I am ready
to take it just as it is written, and to stand by it with all my heart. I
think, however, the suggestions of Gov. Seward very judicious, and shall be
glad to have them adopted.”
The President then asked us severally our opinions as to the
modifications proposed, saying that he did not care much about the phrases he
had used. Everyone favored the modification and it was adopted. Gov. Seward
then proposed that in the passage relating to colonization, some language
should be introduced to show that the colonization proposed was to be only with
the consent of the colonists, and the consent of the States in which colonies
might be attempted. This, too, was agreed to; and no other modification was
proposed. Mr. Blair then said that the question having been decided, he would
make no objection to issueing the Proclamation; but he would ask to have his
paper, presented some days since, against the policy, filed with the
Proclamation. The President consented to this readily. And then Mr. Blair went
on to say that he was afraid of the influence of the Proclamation on the Border
States and on the Army, and stated at some length the grounds of his
apprehensions. He disclaimed most expressly, however, all objection to
Emancipation per se, saying he had always been personally in favor of it — always
ready for immediate Emancipation in the midst of Slave States, rather than
submit to the perpetuation of the system.
After this matter was over, I stated to the Cabinet that it
had been strongly recommended that all Cotton, Tobacco, Sugar and Rice should
henceforward be purchased only by Government officers, paying to the owners,
loyal or disloyal, a certain proportion of the price in New-York amounting to
nearly or quite the full price in the producing States; and giving a
Certificate which would entitle the owner to the remainder of the proceeds,
deducting taxes and charges, at the end of the rebellion, if loyal. Having made
this statement, I said I would like to have the matter reflected on, and that I
should bring it up at our next meeting.
Before going to Cabinet, and on my walk to Mr. Seward's
room, I met Judge Pierrepont, and invited him to dinner. Coming from Cabinet, I
found a letter from Barney about Wadsworth's nomination and Weed's willingness
to make it unanimous, if it is not to be considered as a triumph over him; and
wrote a note to the General, asking him also to dine. Both he and the Judge
came, and we had a pleasant time. Wadsworth had but one objection to saying he
would be Governor, if at all, of the State and not of a section of a party;
which was that it might be considered as in some sort a pledge, which he would
not give to anybody. Told Wadsworth, in confidence, that the Proclamation might
be expected tomorrow morning — which surprised and gratified him equally.
Mr. Smith, Chief-Clerk of the Third Auditor's office; his
brother, associated with Fowler; and Dr. Schmidt, called. Also Donn Piatt. A good
deal of speculation about Proclamation, of which some said a rumor was current
a day or two since. I said I thought we need not despair of one yet.
Chief-Clerk Smith said he had eagerly looked at the newspapers one morning
lately, on the strength of the rumor, for it, and was really disappointed. I
told him to keep looking.
Donn Piatt wanted young Este made clerk. Told him I would be
glad to do so, but could not promise. Mr. Piatt called to learn about Col.
Hays, and Dr. Harkness about his son-in-law.
SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. Chase, in
the Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year
1902, Vol. 2, p. 87-90
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