The President convened the Cabinet at 10 A.M. and submitted
his reply to the Vallandigham committee. Save giving too much notoriety and
consequence to a graceless traitor who loves notoriety and office, and making
the factious party men who are using him for the meanest purposes that could
influence men in such a crisis conspicuous, the letter is well enough, and well
conceived.
After disposing of this subject, the President drew from his
pocket a telegram from General Hooker asking to be relieved. The President said
he had, for several days as the conflict became imminent, observed in Hooker
the same failings that were witnessed in McClellan after the Battle of
Antietam, — a want of alacrity to obey, and a greedy call for more troops which
could not, and ought not to be taken from other points. He would, said the
President, strip Washington bare, had demanded the force at Harper's Ferry,
which Halleck said could not be complied with; he (Halleck) was opposed to
abandoning our position at Harper's Ferry. Hooker had taken umbrage at the
refusal, or at all events had thought it best to give up the command.
Some discussion followed in regard to a successor. The names
of Meade, Sedgwick, and Couch were introduced. I soon saw this review of names
was merely a feeler to get an expression of opinion — a committal — or to make
it appear that all were consulted. It shortly became obvious, however, that the
matter had already been settled, and the President finally remarked he supposed
General Halleck had issued the orders. He asked Stanton if it was not so.
Stanton replied affirmatively, that Hooker had been ordered to Baltimore and
Meade to succeed him. We were consulted after the fact.
Chase was disturbed more than he cared should appear. Seward
and Stanton were obviously cognizant of what had been ordered before the
meeting of the Cabinet took place, — had been consulted. Perhaps they had
advised proceedings, but, doubtful of results, wished the rest to confirm their
act. Blair and Bates were not present with us.
Instead of being disturbed, like Chase, I experienced a
feeling of relief, and only regretted that Hooker, who I think has good parts,
but is said to be intemperate at times, had not been relieved immediately after
the Battle of Chancellorsville. No explanation has ever been made of the sudden
paralysis which befell the army at that time. It was then reported, by those
who should have known, that it was liquor. I apprehend from what has been told
me it was the principal cause. It was so intimated, but not distinctly
asserted, in Cabinet.
Nothing has been communicated by the War Department,
directly, but there has been an obvious dislike of Hooker, and no denial or
refutation of the prevalent rumors. I have once or twice made inquiries of
Stanton, but could get no satisfactory reply of any kind. . . . The War
Department has been aware of these accusations, but has taken no pains to
disprove or deny them, — perhaps because they could not be, perhaps because the
War Department did not want to. The President has been partial to Hooker in all
this time and has manifested no disposition to give him up, except a casual
remark at the last Cabinet-meeting.
Whether the refusal to give him the troops at Harper's Ferry
was intended to drive him to abandon the command of the army, or is in
pursuance of any intention on the part of Halleck to control army movements,
and to overrule the general in the field, is not apparent. The President has
been drawn into the measure, as he was into withholding McDowell from
McClellan, by being made to believe it was necessary for the security of
Washington. In that instance, Stanton was the moving spirit, Seward assenting.
It is much the same now, only Halleck is the forward spirit, prompted perhaps
by Stanton.
Of Meade I know very little. He is not great. His brother
officers speak well of him, but he is considered rather a “smooth bore” than a
rifle. It is unfortunate that a change could not have been made earlier.
Chase immediately interested himself for the future of
Hooker. Made a special request that he should be sent to Fortress Monroe to
take charge of a demonstration upon Richmond via James River. The President did
not give much attention to the suggestion. I inquired what was done, or doing,
with Dix's command, — whether that considerable force was coming here, going to
Richmond, or to remain inactive. The President thought a blow might at this
time be struck at Richmond; had not, however, faith much could be accomplished
by Dix, but though not much of a general, there were reasons why he did not
like to supersede him. Foster he looked to as a rising general who had
maintained himself creditably at Washington, North Carolina. Chase admitted F.
was deserving of credit, but claimed credit was due Sisson,1 who
relieved him, also.
Had two or three telegrams last night from Portland in relation
to pirate privateers, which are cleared up to-day by information that Reed had
seized the revenue cutter Calhoun, and was himself soon after captured.
The city is full of strange, wild rumors of Rebel raids in
the vicinity and of trains seized in sight of the Capitol. They are doubtless
exaggerations, yet I think not without some foundation. I am assured from men
of truth that a Rebel scouting party was seen this morning in the rear of
Georgetown. Just at sunset, the Blairs rode past my house to their city
residence, not caring to remain at Silver Spring until the crisis is past.
A large portion of the Rebel army is unquestionably on this
side the Potomac. The main body is, I think, in the Cumberland Valley, pressing
on toward Harrisburg, but a small force has advanced toward Washington. The War
Department is wholly unprepared for an irruption here, and J. E. B. Stuart
might have dashed into the city to-day with impunity. In the mean time,
Philadelphians and the Pennsylvanians are inert and inactive, indisposed to
volunteer to defend even their own capital. Part of this I attribute to the
incompetency of General Halleck to concentrate effort, acquire intelligence, or
inspire confidence; part is due to the excitable Governor, who is easily
alarmed and calls aloud for help on the remotest prospect of danger. He is very
vigilant, — almost too vigilant for calm consideration and wise conclusion, or
to have a commanding influence. Is not only anxious but susceptible,
impressible, scary.
_______________
1 Colonel Henry T. Sisson, with his Fifth Rhode
Island Volunteers, reinforced General Foster in the siege of Washington, North
Carolina.
SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles,
Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30,
1864, p. 347-51
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