. . . When the President came in, he called Blair and Banks
into his office, meeting them in the hall.
They immediately began to talk about Ashley’s Bill in regard
to States in insurrection. The President had been reading it carefully, and
said that he liked it with the exception of one or two things which he thought
rather calculated to conceal a feature which might be objectionable to some.
The first was that under the provisions of that bill, negroes would be made
jurors and voters under the temporary governments. “Yes,” said Banks; “that is
to be stricken out, and the qualification ‘white male citizens of the United
States’ is to be restored. What you refer to would be a fatal objection to the
bill. It would simply throw the Government into the hands of the blacks, as the
white people under that arrangement would refuse to vote.”
“The second,” said the President, “is the declaration that
all persons heretofore held in slavery are declared free. This is explained by
some to be, not a prohibition of slavery by Congress, but a mere assurance of
freedom to persons actually there in accordance with the Proclamation of
Emancipation. In that point of view it is not objectionable, though I think it
would have been preferable to so express it.”
The President and General Banks spoke very favorably with
three qualifications of Ashley’s Bill. Banks is especially anxious that the
Bill may pass and receive the approval of the President. He regards it as
merely concurring in the President's own action in the important case of
Louisiana, and recommending an observance of the same policy in other cases. He
does not regard it, nor does the President, as laying down any cast-iron policy
in the matter. Louisiana being admitted and this Bill passed, the President is
not estopped by it from recognizing and urging Congress to recognize, another
state of the South, coming with constitution and conditions entirely
dissimilar. Banks thinks that the object of Congress in passing the Bill at
all, is merely to assert their conviction that they have a right to pass such a
law, in concurrence with the executive action. They want a hand in the
reconstruction. It is unquestionably the prerogative of Congress to decide as
to qualifications of its own members:— that branch of the subject is
exclusively their own. It does not seem wise, therefore, to make a fight upon a
question purely immaterial; that is, whether this bill is a necessary one or
not, and thereby lose the positive gain of this endorsement of the President's
policy in the admission of Louisiana, and the assistance of that State in
carrying the Constitutional Amendment prohibiting slavery.
Blair talked more than both Lincoln and Banks, and somewhat
vehemently attacked the radicals in the House and Senate, who are at work upon
this measure, accusing them of interested motives and hostility to Lincoln. The
President said:— “It is much better not to be led from the region of reason
into that of hot blood, by imputing to public men motives which they do not
avow.”
SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and
Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 250-2; Michael Burlingame & John R.
Turner Ettlinger, Editors, Inside Lincoln’s White House: The Complete
Civil War Diary of John Hay, p. 252-4.
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