Showing posts with label Brooks-Sumner Caning. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Brooks-Sumner Caning. Show all posts

Wednesday, July 6, 2022

The Assault On Senator Sumner — published May 27, 1856

NEW YORK, May 24.—The Republican County Committee, last night, passed strong resolutions denouncing the assault on Senator Sumner, and calling upon the House of Representatives to expel the assailants. Also upon the course at Washington to punish them, otherwise, the seat of Government must be removed.

BOSTON, May 24.—A meeting of citizens was held here last evening to express the popular sentiment regarding the assault on Senator Sumner. Though called at a late hour on Friday, it was very large. Chapman Hall was found to be too small for the meeting, and it adjourned to Tremont Temple. Prayer was offered by Rev. Doc. Beecher, and Deacon Samuel Greele presided. General indignation was expressed and speeches made by Rev. W. Freeman Clark, Wendel Phillips, Judge Russel, Theodore Parker, J. M. S. Williams of Cambridge, Lyman Beecher, John L. Swift and W. B. Spooner. The speeches of Messrs. Phillips and Parker were almost purely political, with minor reference to the object of the meeting.—Mr. Spooner dissented from the declarations made by both, that men not of the Free Soil Party rejoiced at the assault on Mr. Sumner and justified Mr. Brooks. He said it was not so, and held out a requisition for the use of Fanueil Hall on Saturday night for a mass meeting on the subject, signed by over fifty men of all parties. The Present meeting, he said, was spontaneous one and no special party had the credit of initiation.

The meeting adjourned at 10 o’clock, to meet to-day (Saturday) in Fanueil Hall.

SOURCE: Richmond Daily Whig, Richmond Virginia, Tuesday Morning, May 27, 1856, p. 4

Public Opinion At The South — published May 27, 1856

COLUMBIA, S. C. May 26.—The course of Mr. Brooks is very generally approved here. Contributions are making to get up a testimonial to him.

SOURCE: Richmond Daily Whig, Richmond Virginia, Tuesday Morning, May 27, 1856, p. 3

Outpouring of Indignation in the Massachusetts Legislature — published May 27, 1856

BOSTON, May 26.—The Senate to-day unanimously passed a series of resolutions denounciatory of the assault upon Sumner as brutal and cowardly in itself, and a gross breach of parliamentary privilege; a ruthless attack upon the liberty of speech; an outrage on the decencies of civilized life and an indignity to Massachusetts; after approving Sumner’s course, demanding a strict investigation, and the expulsion of Brooks and other members from Congress. The resolutions were sent to the House for the concurrence of that body.

SOURCE: Richmond Daily Whig, Richmond Virginia, Tuesday Morning, May 27, 1856, p. 3

Reported Challenge — published May 27, 1856

WASHINGTON, May 26.—It is reported that Hon. Preston S. Brooks of S. C., has challenged Gen. Webb of the N. Y. Courier and Enquirer, in consequence of an article in that paper commenting upon the assault upon Mr. Sumner. Gen. Webb disavowed the authorship of the article in question, and declined to accept the challenge.

[SECOND DESPATCH.]

WASHINGTON, May 26, P. M.—Mr. Brooks has not challenged Gen. Webb. A correspondence has passed between them in relation to the article in question, General Webb stating that the article was not written by himself, but his view will appear to-morrow in the Courier and Enquirer, over his own signature.

SOURCE: Richmond Daily Whig, Richmond Virginia, Tuesday Morning, May 27, 1856, p. 3

Sumner’s Speech — published May 27, 1856

The New York papers publish Sumner’s late speech in full. It fills some twenty columns of small type—and, as he had been rehearsing it before a looking-glass for several weeks previous to its delivery, with a negro boy holding a candle to aid him in adjusting the action to the word, it is probable the whole abolition confederacy had the document before it was read to the Senate.

We have perused the effusion from curiosity to see what this bell-weather of fanaticism had to say for his cause. It smacks of the ravage of the maniac—and that would constitute the best apology for its abundant wickedness, but for the fact that method pervades the madness, and the madness is steeped in malignity.

We noticed that Mr. Douglas and some other Senators charged the Massachusetts senator and his abolition confederates with the design to subvert the constitution and dissolve the Union. Such would seem to be the purpose of the speaker, from the general tone of his discourse. We extract the following brief paragraph, that the reader may see what terrible evils impend over the land, if the abolitionists are not permitted to have their way.

“Already the muster has begun. The strife is no longer local, but national. Even now, while I speak, portents hang on all the arches of the horizon, threatening to darken the broad land, which already yawns with muttering of civil war. The fury of the propagandists of Slavery, and the calm determination of their opponents, are now diffused from the distant Territory over wide-spread communities, and the whole country, in all its extent—marshalling hostile divisions, and foreshadowing a strife, which, unless happily averted by the triumph of Freedom, will become war—fratricidal, parricidal war—with an accumulated wickedness beyond the wickedness of any war in human annals; justly provoking the avenging judgment of Providence and the avenging pen of history, and constituting a strife in the language of the ancient writer, more than foreign, more than social, more than civil; but something compounded of all these strifes, and in itself more than war; sed potius commune quoddam ex omnibus, et plus bellum.


SOURCE: Richmond Daily Whig, Richmond Virginia, Tuesday Morning, May 27, 1856, p. 2

The assault by Mr. Brooks of S. C., upon Mr. Sumner, of Massachusetts . . .

. . . is a theme of fruitful and indignant comment in the abolition papers of the North. The Bostonians are quite as furious as their forefathers were when they threw the tea overboard and something quite as desperate may be anticipated from their present wrath. We hope, however they will do themselves no personal injury.

We are not partial to modes of violence for the settlement of differences of opinion, but we admit the propriety of resorting to such means under certain state of circumstances. The highest justification that has ever been urged on behalf of the “code of honor,” is that it tends to maintain the external decencies in social intercourse, and to preserve society from disreputable personalities and shameless brawls. The Code having been revoked and expunged within the jurisdiction of Congress, the two Houses of Congress have degenerated into arenas, where the greatest amount of course personal abuse and blackguardism is substituted for civility and argument. The immunity from personal accountability seemed to inflame in an especial manner the bile of the band of cowardly hypocrites, who, with professions of Christian love on their lips harbor hate to all God’s creatures. Free of the code of honor, and claiming freedom from personal chastisement of the ground that they were non-combatants, they gave full swing to their foul, calumnious tongues—vilifying and traducing the whole population of one section of the Union, denouncing them as robbers and murderers, and applying every other opprobrious epithet, which their base natures could devise. The Senator from Massachusetts has been one of the chiefs of this dastardly crew of wholesale traducers. Heretofore his vilifications and calumnies were general in their character, spread over the whole slave-holding portion of the Union. In his late speech, whoever, gathering courage from  past indulgence, he became specific, and charges the Senator of South Carolina with the effrontery of defending prostitutes; and adding: “Nor was there any possible deviation from the truth, which he did not make.” The venerable Senator from South Carolina being absent, his kinsman, Mr. Brooks, took it upon himself to resent the indignity. We only regret the mode of his proceeding. Had he sent the foul-mouthed traducer word that he would cowhide him on sight, and selected the street instead of the Senate chamber as the scene for the administration of justice, the deed would be commended without reservation by good men all over the Union.

As it is, the castigation may not be unattended by wholesome results. We see it begins to make some of the Northern calumniators of the South put on their considering caps. The New York Times, one of the meanest and most detestable of the set, contemplates the transaction with horror and alarm. It says:

It shows that the Border Ruffian has become the type  and the exemplar of a large portion of the law-makers of the republic;—that the revolver, the club and the bowie-knife are to be the weapons by which the champions of Slavery propose hereafter to silence their opponents:—that assassination is to be employed, not only by private ruffians as a means of redressing private wrongs, but by representatives of the slaveholding class as a mode of advancing their peculiar views and establish their own ascendency. It affords another and a very strong proof of the domineering insolence of the slaveholding interest, as an element in our Federal Government, and tends to confirm the impression which its uniform policy is calculated to make,—that it will stop at no extremity of violence in order to subdue the people of the Free States and force them into a tame subservience to its own domination. That success of Ruffianism in Kansas has emboldened the champions of Slavery to introduce it at the Federal Capitol—and everything indicates a purpose on their part to resort to force when argument fails.

What will be the result of such a policy remains to be seen. That men from Free States will be cowed and conquered by it is very probable, unless it is met and resisted. If Southern members are to use the bludgeon as the pistol with impunity, and their victims are to submit without resistance to all this brutality, as a matter of course. Northern men will avoid making issue or taking positions which involve the danger of such assaults. We repeat what we have often said this subject, that it is the imperative duty of Congress to protect its members from such assaults,—by expelling instantly any one guilty of making them, and by treating as a gross breach of its privileges all such personalities as may give occasion for them. Thus far, however, neither House of Congress have done anything whatever in this direction. Both the Senate and the House of Representatives, as Parliamentary bodies seem utterly insensible to all considerations of their indignity and self respect. Unless some reform can be introduced in this particular,—and we believe half a dozen earnest men, all of the right stamp, in either branch, could compel a radical and complete reform,—there is but this alternative: Northern men must suit their conduct to the company they are compelled to keep, and meet the Pro-Slavery bullies with their own weapons and upon their own ground, or they must continue to be the victims of their insolence and brutality.

This sounds hopeful! Northern men will avoid making issues or taking positions, which involve the danger of such assaults!  That’s all we ask. Behave like gentlemen, and you will be treated like gentlemen. But if you expect to vilify Southern members and their constituents, and to hold them up to the abhorrence and execration of mankind, and that with impunity, you will be disappointed. We are glad to see that the Times intimates that the Northern hypocrites will no longer shelter themselves behind the cowardly subterfuge of non-combativeness, but will arm themselves with revolvers, bowie knives and bludgeons. The act of arming all round—and the thing distinctly understood on all sides—will tend powerfully to civil speech and universal peace. Better have a good order and respect for law and decency, with an occasional outbreak, under the stern rule of the pistol, than the disgraceful exhalations of blackguardism we now witness.

SOURCE: Richmond Daily Whig, Richmond Virginia, Tuesday Morning, May 27, 1856, p. 2

Tuesday, July 5, 2022

Messrs. Brooks And Sumner — published May 26, 1856

With regard to the assault upon Mr. Sumner, by Col Brooks, a statement was made in the Senate on Friday, by Mr. Wilson, of Massachusetts, which represent that Mr. S. was taken at very great disadvantage by his assailant. The following however, is said to be the authentic account of the affair.

Mr. Brooks waited at the Porter’s Lodge about an hour yesterday, and as long this morning, hoping to meet Mr. Sumner, with a view to attack him. Failing in this, he entered the Senate chamber to-day, just as that body adjourned, and seeing several ladies present, seated himself on the opposite side of Mr. Sumner. Soon all disappeared but one. He then request a friend to get her out, when he immediately approached Mr. Sumner, and said, in a quiet tone of voice:—

Mr. Sumner, I have read your speech with great care, and with as much impartiality as I am capable of and I feel it my duty to say to you that you have published a libel on my State, and uttered a slander upon a relative, who is aged and absent, and I am come to punish you.

At the concluding words Mr. Sumner attempted to spring to his feet, showing fight, but whilst in the act was struck by Col. Brooks a backhanded blow across the head with a gutta percha cane, near an inch thick, but hollow, and he continued striking him right and left until the stick was broken into fragments and, Mr. Sumner was prostrated and bleeding on the floor. No one took hold of Col. Brooks during the time, so quick was the operation; but immediately afterwards Mr. Crittenden caught him around the body and arms, when Col. B. said, “I did not wish to hurt him much, but only to whip him.”

No one knew of the anticipated attack but the Hon. H. A. Edmunson, of Virginia, who happened not to be present when the attack commenced. It was reported on the streets for several days previous that Mr. Sumner would be armed when he delivered his speech, and that if occasion required it he should use his weapons. He was not armed when attacked by Colonel Brooks to-day.

We append a sketch of the proceedings in the House of Representatives, on Friday, touching the affair:

Mr. Campbell, of Ohio, rising to a question of privilege, offered the following:

Whereas on the 23rd of May the Hon. Preston S. Brooks and Hon. Lawrence M. Keitt, members of the House from South Carolina, and other members, either as principals or accessories, perpetrated a violent assault on the person of Hon. Charles Sumner, Senator of the United States from Massachusetts, while remaining in his seat in the Senate Chamber, and while in the performance of the duties appertaining to his official station.  Therefore,

Resolved, That a select committee of five members be appointed by the Speaker to investigate the subject and report on the facts with such resolution in reference thereto as in their judgment may be proper and necessary for the vindication of the character of this House, and that said committee have power to send for persons and papers, and employ a clerk and sit during the session of the House.

A debate ensued upon a point of order.

Mr. Smith of Virginia, suggested to Mr. Campbell the propriety of striking out the preamble. It assumed as fact that which could only be ascertained as such on examination. Mr. Campbell was willing to modify the preamble, which he did to read: “Whereas it is represented, etc.” It was, he said, due to the House and all parties that facts should be presented in some authentic form, and could only be done fully and fairly through the committee.

Mr. Clingman said he was satisfied with the statement in the preamble that it was a gross falsehood, but he did not mean that Mr. Campbell had intentionally made an untrue declaration. The gentleman mistook him.

The Speaker decided the proposition in order. He said, substantially that it was represented or charged that a member of the House had assaulted a Senator while in discharge of his official duties. The Senate could not interfere with a member of the House, but it belonged to the House, if one of its members had violated the privilege of the Senate, to make an investigation, it being the prober tribunal for that purpose. The Senate being a co-ordinate branch of Congress, and covered by some constitutional privilege, it was the duty of The Chair to receive Mr. Campbell’s proposition as a question of privilege.

Mr. Clingman appealed from the decision of the Chair.

Mr. Craige was satisfied Mr. Keitt was not concerned in the matter in any way stated.

Mr. Campbell replied that if it should be passed, certainly no wrong would be done.

Mr. Keitt said he thought the dignity of the House required the investigation. His personal relations with the parties [had] always been those of friendship.

Mr. Paine inquired: is this resolution the result of precedent of action outside this hall or of [causas]?

Mr. Campbell replied that not one word had he heard passed by a member of any party as to such a course. He was influenced alone by the dictates of his own judgment and sense of public duty. As to who perpetrated the outrage; he only knew from what he had heard, although he saw Mr. Sumner lying in the ante-room adjoining the Senate Chamber with gashes on his head to the bone, and blood flowing over him.

Mr. Clingman repeated that he would leave the offender, Mr. Brooks, to answer to the law.

Mr. Letcher said that several years ago Postmaster General Hubbard was attacked by George Briggs, a member of the House, yet neither he [Mr. Letcher] nor Mr. Campbell thought it proper to bring the subject to the attention of the House.

The Speaker made a personal explanation. He had not been a party to any deliberation or consultation on this matter; and had no knowledge of the proposition until it was made from the clerk’s desk.

Mr. Brooks explained. I take the entire responsibility on myself, and state on my honor as a gentleman, no human being besides myself know when or where the transaction was intended to be made.

Mr. McQueen informed Mr. Campbell that a process had been instituted against his colleague, Mr. Brooks, who was amenable to the laws of the country. Mr. Campbell said he had no purpose to put any party in a false position, but he merely wished to ascertain the facts, there being so many rumors prevalent.

Mr. Haven appealed to Mr Campbell to omit the name of Mr. Keitt from the preamble.

Mr. Campbell assented.

Several gentlemen wanted him to strike of the words “other members,” but he refused, saying he had reasons for retaining them.

Mr. Keitt remarked that as his name had been withdrawn, he would say that he did not know the time nor the place where the act would be committed, and when it was committed he was behind the chair of the President of the Senate, with gentlemen from his own State, and he didn’t see the beginning of it. Therefore he had not the slightest preconsert with his colleague.

Under the operation of the previous question, Mr. C.’s proposition was adopted—yeas 93; nays 68.

The Speaker appointed Mr. Campbell, of Ohio, Allison, Cobb, of Georgia, Greenwood and Spinner, the committee. Mr. Allison was excused at his own request.

SOURCE: Richmond Daily Whig, Richmond Virginia, Monday Morning, May 26, 1856, p. 2

Public Meeting In Boston — published May 26, 1856

BOSTON, May 25.—The largest meeting ever held in Faneuil Hall assembled last night, for the purpose of expressing indignation at the assault upon Senator Sumner. Governor Gardner presided, assisted by forty Vice Presidents comprising some of the most distinguished men of all parties in Massachusetts. Gov. Gardner made a speech, in which he characterized the assault as exceeding in grossness and brutality anything written in the pages of history, and called upon Congress to expel the assailant.

The Governor’s sentiments were warmly responded to and there was tremendous cheering throughout.

Resolutions, expressive of the sense of the meeting, were unanimously adopted, after speeches from many gentlemen, representing all political parties. Some of these speeches were unusually warm and defiant, eliciting tumultuous responses.

At Lowell, last evening, an indignation meeting was held, Mayor Huntington presiding.

SOURCE: Richmond Daily Whig, Richmond Virginia, Monday Morning, May 26, 1856, p. 1

Excitement In Boston — published May 24, 1856

BOSTON, May 23.—The attack on Sumner yesterday creates great excitement here and throughout the State. The indignation is general and irrespective of party. The first account of the affair, received by telegraph, was read in the House of Representatives yesterday, and caused much excitement. It is not improbable that some public action will be taken. This morning, a rumor that Sumner was dead gained credence, and cause most intense anxiety.

[SECOND DISPATCH.]

BOSTON, May 23.—In the House of Representatives this morning, Mr. Temple (American) offered an order for the appointment of a joint special committee to consider what action should be taken in reference to the assault upon Senator Sumner. The order was unanimously adopted, and the committee appointed on the part of the house. It was then sent to the Senate for the concurrence of that body.

A public meeting of citizens has been called for this evening to consider the matter.

SOURCE: Richmond Daily Whig, Richmond Virginia, Saturday Morning, May 24, 1856, p. 1

Mr. Sumner Improving — published May 24, 1856

WASHINGTON, May 23.—Mr. Sumner is better, and will probably be able to resume his seat in the Senate in a few days.

SOURCE: Richmond Daily Whig, Richmond Virginia, Saturday Morning, May 24, 1856, p. 1

Senator Sumner Chastised by Mr. Brooks, of South Carolina — published May 23, 1856

WASHINGTON, May 22.—Immediately after the adjournment of congress to-day, while Mr. Sumner of Mass., was still in the Senate Chamber, he was approached by Hon. Preston S. Brooks, member of Congress from South Carolina, who accused him of libeling his State and slandering his grey-headed relative, Judge Butler, and then immediately struck him with his cane. Sumner fell to the floor, and the blows were repeated until he was deprived of the power of speech. No one interfered until the chastisement was effected. Mr. Sumner was then conveyed to his room. It is not yet ascertained wither his injuries are of a serious character or not.

Mr. Brooks appeared before Justice Hollingshead and was held to bail in the sum of $500 for his appearance to-morrow.

[SECOND DISPATCH.]

WASHINGTON, May 22, P. M.—Some eye witnesses say that Mr. Brooks struck Mr. Sumner as many as fifty times, mainly on his head. Sumner, who was sitting in an arm chair when the assault was made, is suffering much from the effects of the chastisement.

SOURCE: Richmond Daily Whig, Richmond Virginia, Friday Morning, May 23, 1856, p. 3

Tuesday, June 12, 2018

Thomas Wentworth Higginson, January 9, 1857

Worcester, January 9, 1857

I had various Kansas and other experiences, saw “old Captain Brown,” but not Governor Robinson. Captain B. expects quiet till spring, and then another invasion, and is trying for means to repel it.

The best thing I did, you will think, was to see Mr. Sumner at the Athenaeum Library. He seemed at first very well, looked as usual, while seated, and spoke as easily and in as firm a voice as ever. But finally I proposed to him to go up and see Page's Venus in the upper hall, of which I had the key, and when he rose I saw the change. He rose slowly, . . . holding both hands upon his back, and walked with a cane and quite feebly, instead of his peculiarly vigorous stride. He thinks of going to Washington this month, but I suspect he will be persuaded not to do it till the end of the session, if at all. He is obviously unfit to deliver his future speech, which, he says, will be to his last one “what first proof brandy is to molasses-and-water.” “I think I shall probably be shot,” he added; “I don't see what else they can do.” Perhaps it is so, though he had better not say it, still it was simply uttered, and I never saw him appear nobler or abler. But I do not think he will ever be, physically speaking, what he was.

SOURCE: Mary Potter Thacher Higginson, Editor, Letters and Journals of Thomas Wentworth Higginson, 1846-1906, p. 77-8

Saturday, May 26, 2018

Governor Salmon P. Chase to Senator Charles Sumner, June 20, 1859

I send some papers by this mail.
Columbus, June 20, 1859.

I mark last Saturday with a white stone, for it brought me, dear Sumner, the most welcome intelligence of your almost assured recovery. God grant that the happy auguries of the present may be fulfilled and that completely. What a terrible experience has been yours! How fiery the ordeal you have been summoned to pass! Let us be thankful that memory cannot renew the suffering, and that the retrospect, while it makes one shudder, also brings a sort of sense of present triumph. How strange it seems that the assassin was so soon & so fearfully summoned to his account; and that he in whose behalf, or rather in whose pretended behalf, the outrage was perpetrated, was compelled so speedily to follow, while God in his wisdom, after allowing you to suffer so fearfully, seems about to restore you to the theatre of your usefulness & fame. Do not think however that I imagine your sense of triumph has in it any touch of exultation over the melancholy fates of your assailant and his uncle. I am sure it has not. I am sure that had it been in your power to reverse the decrees of Heaven's Chancery against them your magnanimity would have prompted the reversal. Your triumph is higher & purer: it is over suffering, over wrong, over misrepresentation— and it is for the cause as well as for yourself.

We have, here in Ohio, engaged in a new battle. Our state election takes place next October, and the tickets of both parties are nominated and the platforms of both have been promulgated. Our Republican Platform takes distinct ground for the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Act & against the extention of the five years term of naturalization. The occasion of the first was supplied by the recent trials at Cleveland — prosecutions against some of our best citizens for the alleged rescue of a Fugitive Slave, and the refusal of our own Supreme Court to set them free on Habeas Corpus, on the ground that the act is unwarranted by the Constitution — the occasion of the second was furnished by the two years amendment in Massachusetts which raised such a clamor among the naturalized citizens, and gave rise to such a torrent of accusations against the Republican Party that our Convention found itself obliged to speak out plainly & decidedly. I am glad of it, though great offence is given for the present to some whom I would gladly conciliate at any expense short of the sacrifice of our principles.

Of course I am not a candidate for reelection as Governor. It is generally supposed that if we carry the State Legislature — a result not quite certain — that I shall be reelected to the Senate; and there is a very general disposition in Ohio and several other States to press my nomination for the Presidency as a Western man & on the whole the most available candidate. Our friend Seward will also be urged strongly from New York, and I presume that my friends, if they find that my nomination cannot be carried, will generally go for him as a second choice. His friends will probably make me, also, their second choice if he cannot be nominated. Of course I cannot claim to be indifferent when a position which will afford so grand an opportunity for renovation of admn [administration?] at home & of policy abroad, is thus brought within the possibility of attainment, but I am certain that I would not imperil the triumph of our cause for the sake of securing the opportunity to myself rather than to another.

I presume you will see our friend Bailey. The prayers of thousands follow him abroad. I earnestly pray that he may find the great blessings of health & strength which he seeks. We are now — he & I — both turned of fifty & no longer young. My general health yet remains apparently unbroken but I feel & observe symptoms which admonish me that my hold on life is not so strong as it was. Kate thinks she must send a few lines.

Good bye—May God bless you.
Affectionately,
[SALMON P. CHASE.]

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. ChaseAnnual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 280-1

Tuesday, May 22, 2018

Governor Salmon P. Chase to Senator Charles Sumner, July 16, 1858

Columbus, July 16, 1858.

My Dear Sumner, Your brief parting note came to me like a note of music, sad but pleasant, wafted from the waters. How sorry I was that you were obliged to seek again in foreign lands the great boon of health; and yet I was glad to know that among those last remembered and I hope, last forgotten, was the friend whom you so early cheered in the great struggle for freedom, by your approval & regard. Very gratefully do I remember all your kindness in act and speech, and trust I shall ever show myself not unworthy altogether, by remaining true to the cause for services to which it was the valued reward.

We learn from the newspapers that you have submitted yourself to a most trying operation, and that the physicians give good hope of most beneficial results. Most earnestly do I hope, in common with many thousand friends of Human Liberty & Progress, that their best anticipations may be fully realized. I am anxious to hear your voice once more in the Senate, mirum spargens sonum. I want to see the Oligarchs and Serviles once more cowering under your rebukes of despotism & servility.

It is amazing to see to what depths of baseness some of the partizan presses in the interest of the Oligarchy will descend. Not content with half vindications of the assassination attempted upon you, several have had the infinite meanness to represent you as playing a part all the while you have been suffering from the effects of the assault. When will men learn decency?

Oh! if you shall be only able to take your seat again next winter in your full vigor! There is no one now who hates the army of slavery in its principle as you do. I should except Durkee. Even Hale rather regards its political iniquity as its chief abomination; though far from insensible to its moral evil. Add to Hale, Seward & perhaps Wilson, and I think all the rest are animated rather by opposition to the political encroachments of the Slave Power, than by an earnest desire to inaugurate the deliverence of millions from oppression.

The rise of the Know Nothing Party had a pernicious influence upon the growth of a true Antislavery Spirit. You remember that one of its aims was to be national; and to be national it must ignore the slavery question, or in other words become indifferent as to the progress of slavery in the north while the south tolerated no indifference. Some yielded to this under the idea that the south, or rather the slave oligarchy in the south, would adopt the policy of indifferentism as well as the north. Others adopted the policy because they really felt no opposition to the spread of slavery, & had become accustomed to regard all earnest Antislavery action as fanatical & incompatible with repose. When the American Party became republicanized as in Ohio & some other states, a number of its members refused to vote republican tickets because they believed the antislavery principle represented. Often these men held the balance of power in their particular states, districts or counties. Under these circumstances politicians soon began to think of conciliating them, and this disposition has induced a number of republican leaders to urge an abatement or modification of our Antislavery creed so as to make conciliation [illegible]. In many cases this policy has disgusted the earnest Antislavery men so much that they cease to cooperate heartily & there is danger of such departures from our original faith that division will take place, seriously affecting our prospects for the future. In Ohio my maxim has been “conciliate, but no abandonment of principle”; and I am happy to say that we have succeeded very thoroughly. At our recent State Convention, held on the ever memorable 13th, we reaffirmed all our articles of faith & at the same time made a ticket which will, I think, render it impossible for them to rally under their distinctive American flag at all. In other States I regret to see a less vigorous maintenance of principle or organization, especially in Pennsylvania & New York. In these States there seems to be a disposition to fuse upon simple opposition to the Administration, often without any & generally with little regard to Antislavery principles. In Massachusetts I fear something of the same tendency exists. I am willing to go as far as any man to conciliate, and would readily concede much for that object, in hope of producing a union of action which will overturn the Slave Power. But it is impossible for us who have so long contended for the denationalization of slavery & the exercise of the legitimate influence of the Government on the side of Freedom, to abandon [?] our great object for the sake of personal advantage, to sundry [?] individuals, or for the sake of simply putting down the present Administration.

I go to Massachusetts next week, if possible. I propose attending Commencement at Dartmouth, where my class is to meet. How I wish I could meet & confer with you. But I must [illeg. pursue?] you across the ocean instead; and I trust you will find time to let me hear from you as well as ability & inclination [sic]. Meantime be assured of my warm & continual affection.

Faithfully
[SALMON P. CHASE.]

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. ChaseAnnual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 277-9

Saturday, July 25, 2015

Diary of William Howard Russell: April 17, 1861

There was a large crowd around the pier staring at the men in uniform on the boat, which was filled with bales of goods, commissariat stores, trusses of hay, and hampers, supplies for the volunteer army on Morris' Island. I was amused by the names of the various corps, “Tigers,” “Lions,” “Scorpions,” “Palmetto Eagles,” “Guards,” of Pickens, Sumter, Marion, and of various other denominations, painted on the boxes. The original formation of these volunteers is in companies, and they know nothing of battalions or regiments. The tendency in volunteer outbursts is sometimes to gratify the greatest vanity of the greatest number. These companies do not muster more than fifty or sixty strong. Some were “dandies,” and “swells,” and affected to look down on their neighbors and comrades. Major Whiting told me there was difficulty in getting them to obey orders at first, as each man had an idea that he was as good an engineer as anybody else, “and a good deal better, if it came to that.” It was easy to perceive it was the old story of volunteer and regular in this little army.

As we got on deck, the Major saw a number of rough, longhaired-looking fellows in coarse gray tunics, with pewter buttons and worsted braid lying on the hay-bales smoking their cigars. “Gentlemen,” quoth he, very courteously, “you'll oblige me by not smoking over the hay. There's powder below.” “I don't believe we're going to burn the hay this time, kernel,” was the reply, “and anyway, we'll put it out afore it reaches the ’bustibles,” and they went on smoking. The Major grumbled, and worse, and drew off.

Among the passengers were some brethren of mine belonging to the New York and local papers. I saw a short time afterwards a description of the trip by one of these gentlemen, in which he described it as an affair got up specially for himself, probably in order to avenge himself on his military persecutors, for he had complained to me the evening before, that the chief of General Beauregard's staff told him to go to ----, when he applied at head-quarters for some information. I found from the tone and looks of my friends, that these literary gentlemen were received with great disfavor, and Major Whiting, who is a bibliomaniac, and has a very great liking for the best English writers, could not conceal his repugnance and antipathy to my unfortunate confreres. “If I had my way, I would fling them into the water; but the General has given them orders to come on board. It is these fellows who have brought all this trouble on our country.”

The traces of dislike of the freedom of the press, which I, to my astonishment, discovered in the North, are broader and deeper in the South, and they are not accompanied by the signs of dread of its power which exist in New York, where men speak of the chiefs of the most notorious journals very much as people in Italian cities of past time might have talked of the most infamous bravo or the chief of some band of assassins. Whiting comforted himself by the reflection that they would soon have their fingers in a vice, and then pulling out a ragged little sheet, turned suddenly on the representative thereof, and proceeded to give the most unqualified contradiction to most of the statements contained in “the full and accurate particulars of the Bombardment and Fall of Fort Sumter,” in the said journal, which the person in question listened to with becoming meekness and contrition. “If I knew who wrote it,” said the Major, “I'd make him eat it.”

I was presented to many judges, colonels, and others of the mass of society on board, and, “after compliments,” as the Orientals say, I was generally asked, in the first place, what I thought of the capture of Sumter, and in the second, what England would do when the news reached the other side. Already the Carolinians regard the Northern States as an alien and detested enemy, and entertain, or profess, an immense affection for Great Britain.

When we had shipped all our passengers, nine tenths of them in uniform, and a larger proportion engaged in chewing, the whistle blew, and the steamer sidled off from the quay into the yellowish muddy water of the Ashley River, which is a creek from the sea, with a streamlet running into the head waters some distance up.

The shore opposite Charleston is more than a mile distant and is low and sandy, covered here and there with patches of brilliant vegetation, and long lines of trees. It is cut up with creeks, which divide it into islands, so that passages out to sea exist between some of them for light craft, though the navigation is perplexed and difficult. The city lies on a spur or promontory between the Ashley and the Cooper rivers, and the land behind it is divided in the same manner by similar creeks, and is sandy and light, bearing, nevertheless, very fine crops, and trees of magnificent vegetation. The steeples, the domes of public buildings, the rows of massive warehouses and cotton stores on the wharves, and the bright colors of the houses, render the appearance of Charleston, as seen from the river front, rather imposing. From the mastheads of the few large vessels in harbor floated the Confederate flag. Looking to our right, the same standard was visible, waving on the low, white parapets of the earthworks which had been engaged in reducing Sumter.

That much-talked-of fortress lay some two miles ahead of us now, rising up out of the water near the middle of the passage out to sea between James' Island and Sullivan's Island. It struck me at first as being like one of the smaller forts off Cronstadt, but a closer inspection very much diminished its importance; the material is brick, not stone, and the size of the place is exaggerated by the low background, and by contrast with the sea-line. The land contracts on both sides opposite the fort, a projection of Morris' Island, called “Cumming's Point,” running out on the left. There is a similar promontory from Sullivan's Island, on which is erected Fort Moultrie, on the right from the sea entrance. Castle Pinckney, which stands on a small island at the exit of the Cooper River, is a place of no importance, and it was too far from Sumter to take any share in the bombardment: the same remarks apply to Fort Johnson on James' Island, on the right bank of the Ashley River below Charleston. The works which did the mischief were the batteries of sand on Morris' Island, at Cumming's Point, and Fort Moultrie. The floating battery, covered with railroad-iron, lay a long way off, and could not have contributed much to the result.

As we approached Morris' Island, which is an accumulation of sand covered with mounds of the same material, on which there is a scanty vegetation alternating with salt-water marshes, we could perceive a few tents in the distance among the sandhills. The sand-bag batteries, and an ugly black parpapet, with guns peering through port-holes as if from a ship's side, lay before us. Around them men were swarming like ants, and a crowd in uniform were gathered on the beach to receive us as we landed from the boat of the steamer, all eager for news and provisions and newspapers, of which an immense flight immediately fell upon them. A guard with bayonets crossed in a very odd sort of manner, prevented any unauthorized persons from landing. They wore the universal coarse gray jacket and trousers, with worsted braid and yellow facings, uncouth caps, lead buttons stamped with the palmetto-tree. Their unbronzed firelocks were covered with rust. The soldiers lounging about were mostly tall, well-grown men, young and old, some with the air of gentlemen; others coarse, longhaired fellows, without any semblance of military bearing, but full of fight, and burning with enthusiasm, not unaided, in some instances, by coarser stimulus.

The day was exceedingly warm and unpleasant, the hot wind blew the fine white sand into our faces, and wafted it in minute clouds inside eyelids, nostrils, and clothing; but it was necessary to visit the batteries, so on we trudged into one and out of another, walked up parapets, examined profiles, looked along guns, and did everything that could be required of us. The result of the examination was to establish in my mind the conviction, that if the commander of Sumter had been allowed to open his guns on the island, the first time he saw an indication of throwing up a battery against him, he could have saved his fort. Moultrie, in its original state, on the opposite side, could have been readily demolished by Sumter. The design of the works was better than their execution — the sand-bags were rotten, the sand not properly revetted or banked up, and the traverses imperfectly constructed. The barbette guns of the fort looked into many of the embrasures, and commanded them.

The whole of the island was full of life and excitement. Officers were galloping about as if on a field-day or in action. Commissariat carts were toiling to and fro between the beach and the camps, and sounds of laughter and revelling came from the tents. These were pitched without order, and were of all shapes, hues, and sizes, many being disfigured by rude charcoal drawings outside, and inscriptions such as “Live Tigers,” “Rattlesnake's-hole,” “Yankee Smashers,” &c. The vicinity of the camps was in an intolerable state, and on calling the attention of the medical officer who was with me, to the danger arising from such a condition of things, he said with a sigh, “I know it all. But we can do nothing. Remember they're all volunteers, and do just as they please.”

In every tent was hospitality, and a hearty welcome to all comers. Cases of champagne and claret, French pâtés, and the like, were piled outside the canvas walls, when there was no room for them inside. In the middle of these excited gatherings I felt like a man in the full possession of his senses coming in late to a wine party. “Won't you drink with me, sir, to the — (something awful) — of Lincoln and all Yankees?” “No! if you'll be good enough to excuse me.” “Well, I think you're the only Englishman who won't.” Our Carolinians are very fine fellows, but a little given to the Bobadil style — hectoring after a cavalier fashion, which they fondly believe to be theirs by hereditary right. They assume that the British crown rests on a cotton bale, as the Lord Chancellor sits on a pack of wool.

In one long tent there was a party of roystering young men, opening claret, and mixing “cup” in large buckets; whilst others were helping the servants to set out a table for a banquet to one of their generals. Such heat, tobacco-smoke, clamor, toasts, drinking, hand-shaking, vows of friendship! Many were the excuses made for the more demonstrative of the Edonian youths by their friends. “Tom is a little cut, sir; but he's a splendid fellow — he's worth half-a-million of dollars.” This reference to a money standard of value was not unusual or perhaps unnatural, but it was made repeatedly; and I was told wonderful tales of the riches of men who were lounging round, dressed as privates, some of whom at that season, in years gone by, were looked for at the watering places as the great lions of American fashion. But Secession is the fashion here. Young ladies sing for it; old ladies pray for it; young men are dying to fight for it; old men are ready to demonstrate it. The founder of the school was St. Calhoun. Here his pupils carry out their teaching in thunder and fire. States' Rights are displayed after its legitimate teaching, and the Palmetto flag and the red bars of the Confederacy are its exposition. The utter contempt and loathing for the venerated Stars and Stripes, the abhorrence of the very words United States, the intense hatred of the Yankee on the part of these people, cannot be conceived by any one who has not seen them. I am more satisfied than ever that the Union can never be restored as it was, and that it has gone to pieces, never to be put together again, in the old shape, at all events, by any power on earth.

After a long and tiresome promenade in the dust, heat, and fine sand, through the tents, our party returned to the beach, where we took boat, and pushed off for Fort Sumter. The Confederate flag rose above the walls. On near approach the marks of the shot against the pain coupé, and the embrasures near the salient were visible enough; but the damage done to the hard brickwork was trifling, except at the angles: the edges of the parapets were ragged and pock-marked, and the quay wall was rifted here and there by shot; but no injury of a kind to render the work untenable could be made out. The greatest damage inflicted was, no doubt, the burning of the barracks, which were culpably erected inside the fort, close to the flank wall facing Cumming's Point.

As the boat touched the quay of the fort, a tall, powerful-looking man came through the shattered gateway, and with uneven steps strode over the rubbish towards a skiff which was waiting to receive him, and into which he jumped and rowed off. Recognizing one of my companions as he passed our boat he suddenly stood up, and with a leap and a scramble tumbled in among us, to the imminent danger of upsetting the party. Our new friend was dressed in the blue frock-coat of a civilian, round which he had tied a red silk sash — his waistbelt supported a straight sword, something like those worn with Court dress. His muscular neck was surrounded with a loosely-fastened silk handkerchief; and wild masses of black hair, tinged with gray, fell from under a civilian's hat over his collar; his unstrapped trousers were gathered up high on his legs, displaying ample boots, garnished with formidable brass spurs. But his face was one not to be forgotten — a straight, broad brow, from which the hair rose up like the vegetation on a river bank, beetling black eyebrows — a mouth coarse and grim, yet full of power, a square jaw —a thick argumentative nose — a new growth of scrubby beard and mustache — these were relieved by eyes of wonderful depth and light, such as I never saw before but in the head of a wild beast. If you look some day when the sun is not too bright into the eye of the Bengal tiger, in the Regent's Park, as the keeper is coming round, you will form some notion of the expression I mean. It was flashing, fierce, yet calm — with a well of fire burning behind and spouting through it, an eye pitiless in anger, which now and then sought to conceal its expression beneath half-closed lids, and then burst out with an angry glare, as if disdaining concealment.

This was none other than Louis T. Wigfall, Colonel (then of his own creation) in the Confederate army, and Senator from Texas in the United States — a good type of the men whom the institutions of the country produce or throw off — a remarkable man, noted for his ready, natural eloquence; his exceeding ability as a quick, bitter debater; the acerbity of his taunts; and his readiness for personal encounter. To the last he stood in his place in the Senate at Washington, when nearly every other Southern man had seceded, lashing with a venomous and instant tongue, and covering with insults, ridicule, and abuse, such men as Mr. Chandler, of Michigan, and other Republicans: never missing a sitting of the House, and seeking out adversaries in the bar-rooms or at gambling tables. The other day, when the fire against Sumter was at its height, and the fort, in flames, was reduced almost to silence, a small boat put off from the shore, and steered through the shot and the splashing waters right for the walls. It bore the Colonel and a negro oarsman. Holding up a white handkerchief on the end of his sword, Wigfall landed on the quay, clambered through an embrasure, and presented himself before the astonished Federals with a proposal to surrender, quite unauthorized, and “on his own hook,” which led to the final capitulation of Major Anderson.

I am sorry to say, our distinguished friend had just been paying his respects sans bornes to Bacchus or Bourbon, for he was decidedly unsteady in his gait and thick in speech; but his head was quite clear, and he was determined 1 should know all about his exploit. Major Whiting desired to show me round the work, but he had no chance. “Here is where I got in,” quoth Colonel Wigfall. “I found a Yankee standing here by the traverse, out of the way of our shot. He was pretty well scared when he saw me, but I told him not to be alarmed, but to take me to the officers. There they were, huddled up in that corner behind the brickwork, for our shells were tumbling into the yard, and bursting like —” &c. (The Colonel used strong illustrations and strange expletives in narrative.) Major Whiting shook his military head, and said something uncivil to me, in private, in reference to volunteer colonels and the like, which gave him relief; whilst the martial Senator — I forgot to say that he has the name, particularly in the North, of having killed more than half a dozen men in duels — (I had an escape of being another) —conducted me through the casemates with uneven steps, stopping at every traverse to expatiate on some phase of his personal experiences, with his sword dangling between his legs, and spurs involved in rubbish and soldiers' blankets.

In my letter I described the real extent of the damage inflicted, and the state of the fort as I found it. At first the batteries thrown up by the Carolinians were so poor, that the United States officers in the fort were mightily amused at them, and anticipated easy work in enfilading, ricocheting, and battering them to pieces, if they ever dared to open fire. One morning, however, Capt. Foster, to whom really belongs the credit of putting Sumter into a tolerable condition of defence with the most limited means, was unpleasantly surprised by seeing through his glass a new work in the best possible situation for attacking the place, growing up under the strenuous labors of a band of negroes. “I knew at once,” he said, “the rascals had got an engineer at last.” In fact, the Carolinians were actually talking of an escalade when the officers of the regular army, who had “seceded,” came down and took the direction of affairs, which otherwise might have had very different results.

There was a working party of volunteers clearing away the rubbish in the place. It was evident they were not accustomed to labor. And on asking why negroes were not employed, I was informed: “The niggers would blow us all up, they're so stupid; and the State would have to pay the owners for any of them who were killed and injured.” “In one respect, then, white men are not so valuable as negroes?” “Yes, sir, — that's a fact.”

Very few shell craters were visible in the terreplein; the military mischief, such as it was, showed most conspicuously on the parapet platforms, over which shells had been burst as heavily as could be, to prevent the manning of the barbette guns. A very small affair, indeed, that shelling of Fort Sumter. And yet who can tell what may arise from it? “Well, sir,” exclaimed one of my companions, “I thank God for it, if it's only because we are beginning to have a history for Europe. The universal Yankee nation swallowed us up.”

Never did men plunge into unknown depth of peril and trouble more recklessly than these Carolinians. They fling themselves against the grim, black future, as the Cavaliers under Rupert may have rushed against the grim, black Ironsides. Will they carry the image farther? Well! The exploration of Sumter was finished at last, not till we had visited the officers of the garrison, who lived in a windowless, shattered room, reached by a crumbling staircase, and who produced whiskey and crackers, many pleasant stories and boundless welcome. One young fellow grumbled about pay. He said: “I have not received a cent since I came to Charleston for this business.” But Major Whiting, some days afterwards, told me he had not got a dollar on account of his pay, though on leaving the United States army he had abandoned nearly all his means of subsistence. These gentlemen were quite satisfied it would all be right eventually; and no one questioned the power or inclination of the Government, which had just been inaugurated under such strange auspices, to perpetuate its principles and reward its servants.

After a time our party went down to the boats, in which we were rowed to the steamer that lay waiting for us at Morris' Island. The original intention of the officers was to carry us over to Fort Moultrie, on the opposite side of the Channel, and to examine it and the floating iron battery; but it was too late to do so when we got off, and the steamer only ran across and swept around homewards by the other shore. Below, in the cabin, there was spread a lunch or quasi dinner; and the party of Senators, past and present, aides-de-camp, journalists, and flaneurs, were not indisposed to join it. For me there was only one circumstance which marred the pleasure of that agreeable reunion. Colonel and Senator Wigfall, who had not sobered himself by drinking deeply, in the plenitude of his exultation alluded to the assault on Senator Sumner as a type of the manner in which the Southerners would deal with the Northerners generally, and cited it as a good exemplification of the fashion in which they would bear their “whipping.” Thence, by a natural digression, he adverted to the inevitable consequences of the magnificent outburst of Southern indignation against the Yankees on all the nations of the world, and to the immediate action of England in the matter as soon as the news came. Suddenly reverting to Mr. Sumner, whose name he loaded with obloquy, he spoke of Lord Lyons in terms so coarse, that, forgetting the condition of the speaker, I resented the language applied to the English Minister, in a very unmistakable manner; and then rose and left the cabin. In a moment I was followed on deck by Senator Wigfall: his manner much calmer, his hair brushed back, his eye sparkling. There was nothing left to be desired in his apologies, which were repeated and energetic. We were joined by Mr. Manning, Major Whiting, and Senator Chestnut, and others, to whom I expressed my complete contentment with Mr. Wigfall's explanations. And so we returned to Charleston. The Colonel and Senator, however, did not desist from his attentions to the good — or bad — things below. It was a strange scene — these men, hot and red-handed in rebellion, with their lives on the cast, trifling and jesting, and carousing as if they had no care on earth — all excepting the gentlemen of the local press, who were assiduous in note and food-taking. It was near nightfall before we set foot on the quay of Charleston. The city was indicated by the blaze of lights, and by the continual roll of drums, and the noisy music, and the yelling cheers which rose above its streets. As I walked towards the hotel, the evening drove of negroes, male and female, shuffling through the streets in all haste, in order to escape the patrol and the last peal of the curfew bell, swept by me; and as I passed the guard-house of the police, one of my friends pointed out the armed sentries pacing up and down before the porch, and the gleam of arms in the room inside. Further on, a squad of mounted horsemen, heavily armed, turned up a bystreet, and with jingling spurs and sabres disappeared in the dust and darkness. That is the horse patrol. They scour the country around the city, and meet at certain places during the night to see if the niggers are all quiet. Ah, Fuscus! these are signs of trouble.

“Integer vitÓ•, scelerisque purus
Non eget Mauri jaculis neque arcu,
Nec venenatis gravida, sagittis,
Fusce, pharetra”

But Fuscus is going to his club; a kindly, pleasant, chatty, card-playing, cocktail-consuming place. He nods proudly to an old white-woolled negro steward or head-waiter — a slave — as a proof which I cannot accept, with the curfew tolling in my ears, of the excellencies of the domestic institution. The club was filled with officers; one of them, Mr. Ransome Calhoun,* asked me what was the object which most struck me at Morris' Island; I tell him — as was indeed the case — that it was a letter-copying machine, a case of official stationery, and a box of Red Tape, lying on the beach, just landed and ready to grow with the strength of the young independence.

But listen! There is a great tumult, as of many voices coming up the street, heralded by blasts of music. It is a speech-making from the front of the hotel. Such an agitated, lively multitude! How they cheer the pale, frantic man, limber and dark-haired, with uplifted arms and clinched fists, who is perorating on the balcony! “What did he say?” “Who is he?” “Why it's he again!” “That's Roger Pryor — he says that if them Yankee trash don't listen to reason, and stand from under, we'll march to the North and dictate the terms of peace in Faneuil Hall! Yes, sir — and so we will certa-i-n su-re!” “No matter, for all that; we have shown we can whip the Yankees whenever we meet them — at Washington or down here.” How much I heard of all this to-day — how much more this evening! The hotel as noisy as ever — more men in uniform arriving every few minutes, and the hall and passages crowded with tall, good-looking Carolinians.
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* Since killed in a duel by Mr. Rhett.

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, p. 101-11

Saturday, January 17, 2015

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: June 29, 1861

Mrs. Preston, Mrs. Wigfall, Mary Hammy and I drove in a fine open carriage to see the Champ de Mars. It was a grand tableau out there. Mr. Davis rode a beautiful gray horse, the Arab Edwin de Leon brought him from Egypt. His worst enemy will allow that he is a consummate rider, graceful and easy in the saddle, and Mr. Chesnut, who has talked horse with his father ever since he was born, owns that Mr. Davis knows more about horses than any man he has met yet. General Lee was there with him; also Joe Davis and Wigfall acting as his aides.

Poor Mr. Lamar has been brought from his camp — paralysis or some sort of shock. Every woman in the house is ready to rush into the Florence Nightingale business. I think I will wait for a wounded man, to make my first effort as Sister of Charity. Mr. Lamar sent for me. As everybody went, Mr. Davis setting the example, so did I. Lamar will not die this time. Will men flatter and make eyes, until their eyes close in death, at the ministering angels? He was the same old Lamar of the drawing-room.

It is pleasant at the President's table. My seat is next to Joe Davis, with Mr. Browne on the other side, and Mr. Mallory opposite. There is great constraint, however. As soon as I came I repeated what the North Carolina man said on the cars, that North Carolina had 20,000 men ready and they were kept back by Mr. Walker, etc. The President caught something of what I was saying, and asked me to repeat it, which I did, although I was scared to death. “Madame, when you see that person tell him his statement is false. We are too anxious here for troops to refuse a man who offers himself, not to speak of 20,000 men.” Silence ensued — of the most profound.

Uncle H. gave me three hundred dollars for his daughter Mary's expenses, making four in all that I have of hers. He would pay me one hundred, which he said he owed my husband for a horse. I thought it an excuse to lend me money. I told him I had enough and to spare for all my needs until my Colonel came home from the wars.

Ben Allston, the Governor's son, is here — came to see me; does not show much of the wit of the Petigrus; pleasant person, however. Mr. Brewster and Wigfall came at the same time. The former, chafing at Wigfall's anomalous position here, gave him fiery advice. Mr. Wigfall was calm and full of common sense. A brave man, and without a thought of any necessity for displaying his temper, he said: “Brewster, at this time, before the country is strong and settled in her new career, it would be disastrous for us, the head men, to engage in a row among ourselves.”

As I was brushing flies away and fanning the prostrate Lamar, I reported Mr. Davis's conversation of the night before. “He is all right,” said Mr. Lamar, “the fight had to come. We are men, not women. The quarrel had lasted long enough. We hate each other so, the fight had to come. Even Homer's heroes, after they had stormed and scolded enough, fought like brave men, long and well. If the athlete, Sumner, had stood on his manhood and training and struck back when Preston Brooks assailed him, Preston Brooks's blow need not have been the opening skirmish of the war. Sumner's country took up the fight because he did not. Sumner chose his own battle-field, and it was the worse for us. What an awful blunder that Preston Brooks business was!” Lamar said Yankees did not fight for the fun of it; they always made it pay or let it alone.

Met Mr. Lyon with news, indeed — a man here in the midst of us, taken with Lincoln's passports, etc., in his pocket — a palpable spy. Mr. Lyon said he would be hanged — in all human probability, that is.

A letter from my husband written at Camp Pickens, and saying: “If you and Mrs. Preston can make up your minds to leave Richmond, and can come up to a nice little country house near Orange Court House, we could come to see you frequently while the army is stationed here. It would be a safe place for the present, near the scene of action, and directly in the line of news from all sides.” So we go to Orange Court House.

Read the story of Soulouque,1 the Haytian man: he has wonderful interest just now. Slavery has to go, of course, and joy go with it. These Yankees may kill us and lay waste our land for a while, but conquer us — never!
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1 Faustin Elie Soulouque, a negro slave of Hayti, who, having been freed, took part in the insurrection against the French in 1803, and rose by successive steps until in August, 1849, by the unanimous action of the parliament, he was proclaimed emperor.

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 72-4