Ladies Association for the Defence of North Carolina

To the Ladies of North Carolina:

Our sisters of Alabama, South Carolina and Louisiana, have set us a noble example, by largely subscribing for the building of Gun-boats. Shall we, the Ladies of North Carolina, remain insensible to the dangers of our beloved State? Already the enemy has invaded our coast. Our fathers, husbands, brothers and sons are withstanding them to the death. Let us at once arise and pour in our freewill offerings. As military authorities have expressed an opinion that under the circumstances, Gun-boats in our waters cannot be very efficient, and that Artillery would most effectually contribute to the defence [sic] of our State, let our contributions be for that purpose. Shall there by any hesitation? All that is most precious to us in this world is now endangered. Unanimity and promptitude can do much. Let the ladies of each county open a subscription list, and send forward the amount at the earliest moment to the Cashier of the nearest Branch of the Cape Fear Bank.

The above is from an unknown source. Perhaps the author was not advised, that the ladies are contributing towards building a gunboat at Wilmington. It is also thought by some that iron-clad boats might be built at Norfolk and sent through the Canal to operate in Albemarle and Pamlico Sounds. Our own idea however is that it is too late. Four good boats on the plan of the Merrimac, but smaller, if constructed early as they might have been, would have saved the expense of the fortifications at Hatteras, Beacon Island, Oregon, Roanoke Island, Washington and Newbern, and kept the enemy out of the sound entirely.

– Published in The North Carolina Weekly Standard, Raleigh, North Carolina, Wednesday, April 16, 1862, p. 1

Bells

The following action of the Presbyterian Church has been handed us for publication:

RALEIGH, N. C., April 3, 1862.

Hon. G. W. Randolph, Sec’y of War: –

SIR: We, the undersigned, the pastor and Session of the Presbyterian Church in Raleigh, N. C., actin in the name and by the authority of the congregation, must cordially tender for the public service our Church bell, weighing almost one thousand pounds.

We believe that all Christians and patriots are called upon in this crisis to make every effort and sacrifice to sustain our government in the noble endeavor to repel the our invaders.

Invoking the blessing of heaven upon our arms and commending our just cause and oppressed people to the protection of the Most High, we cheerfully anticipate ultimate and complete success.

JOSEPH M. ATKINSON, Pastor.

Wm. PEACE, C DEWEY, J BROWN, Elders.

– Published in The North Carolina Weekly Standard, Raleigh, North Carolina, Wednesday, April 16, 1862, p. 1

Currency

The Cincinnati papers quote North and South Carolina, Tennessee, Georgia and Alabama money at forty percent discount. Cincinnati money don’t stand quite so fair even as that here, being worth about to cents a bushel.

– Published in The North Carolina Weekly Standard, Raleigh, North Carolina, Wednesday, April 16, 1862, p. 1

We learn, says the Richmond Enquirer . . .

. . . that Prince Polignac, who has been for some time on Gen. Beauregard’s staff, has under the act of Congress, taken the other of allegiance to the confederate States, and become a citizen of Virginia.

– Published in The North Carolina Weekly Standard, Raleigh, North Carolina, Wednesday, April 16, 1862, p. 1

A Severe Hail Storm

The Ashville News, of the 3rd inst., reports that section of country was visited on the Sunday afternoon previous by a severe store of hail and rain. Hail stones as large as partridge eggs fell.

– Published in The North Carolina Weekly Standard, Raleigh, North Carolina, Wednesday, April 16, 1862, p. 1

Capital

Many people are hoarding up what means they have against a rainy day. Is this wise? Would it not be better to invest a portion of the capital now held by our wealthy men, in factories of different kinds, and produce ourselves the articles for which we have been so long dependent upon the North? Soap, candles, leather, edge-[illegible], farming utensils, shoe making, saddlery, woolen and cotton goods, cards, buttons, pins, needles, iron-ware, cutlery and earthen-war of all kinds, are all in demand, and their manufacture will doubtless pay, if properly managed, even after the war closes. Why is it that our wealthy men do not embark in every species of manufacture demanded by the times? The neglect to employ their capital in the production of necessary articles, weakens the Confederacy and renders it less able to carry on the war. Such a policy endangers every interest in the land and my conquer us. If so, what will stocks and promises to pay be worth? Let the people reflect.

– Published in The North Carolina Weekly Standard, Raleigh, North Carolina, Wednesday, April 16, 1862, p. 1

New Regiments

Our Camps of instruction are alive with soldiers. The alacrity with which our people have rallied to the call of the Governor, is beyond all precedent almost. We should not be surprised if we have fifteen full regiments in camp in a month from this date. Several of these regiments have organized and elected their officers. An error having occurred in our notice of the No. of some of them, we give a correct list with the officers elected:

11th “Bethel Regiment re-organized.” – C. Leventhorpe, Colonel; W. A. Owens, Lt. Colonel, and Wm. A Eliason, Major.

43rd Regiment. – Junius Daniel, Colonel; Thomas S. Kenan, Lt. Colonel, and W. J. Boggan, Major.

44th Regiment. – G. B. Singletary, Colonel; R. C. Cotton, Lt. Colonel, and E. Cromwell, Major.

45th Regiment. – Junius Daniel, Colonel; J. H. Morehead, Lt. Colonel, and A. J. Boyd, Major.

46th Regiment. – E. D. Hall, Colonel; Wm. A. Jenkins, Lt. Colonel, and R. G. Mitchell, Major.

47th Regiment. – S. H. Rogers, Colonel; G. H. Faribault, Lt. Colonel, and Jno. A. Graves, Major.

48th Regiment. – R. C. Hill, Col.; S. H. Walkup, Lt. Col., and B. R. Huske, Major.

The above selections in the main are very good, and exhibit the capacity of the company officers to select good officers. To have succeeded in all respects is what could not have been expected. The responsibility of a commander is one of great importance and risk. No man who has a doubt of his capacity, ought to accept. Indeed, positions of such risk should never be sought. Nor is it enough to have a good Colonel to a regiment. Every officer should be the very best than can be obtained at the time, but we differ entirely with those who would place our volunteers in the war under the regime of the armies of Europe or the old United States army. This war, if we understand it, is a war of the people to be fought by them and for them. Hence the importance of having officers who possess both the confidence and the affection of their men. A very erroneous idea prevails, that officers who are elected cannot and will not enforce discipline. This is a contrary fact. No officers in the army are more strict disciplinarians than Gen. Hill, Col. Pettigrew and Col. Pender, and yet non are my beloved by their commands. Others are equally, so no doubt, but those names occurred to us, and we mentioned them. All that is requisite is for officers to know something of human nature – be strict and firm, but not austere and tyrannical. Let them be good soldiers and good commanders, but not forget that they are nothing but men themselves.

– Published in The North Carolina Weekly Standard, Raleigh, North Carolina, Wednesday, April 16, 1862, p. 1

A Skirmish

We understand that Capt. Boothe’s company, of Col Spruill’s Cavalry, had a skirmish with the enemy at Big Gully*, about 12 miles from Newbern, a few days ago, in which he killed three of the enemy and took nine prisoners. Capt. Boothe’s horse was killed under him.

– Published in The North Carolina Weekly Standard, Raleigh, North Carolina, Wednesday, April 16, 1862, p. 1

* See Correction

Impressment of Arms

Every citizen of the State who has a double-barrel gun or rifle, which can be used against the enemy, and which he can spare, should not hesitate a moment to sell or give it to the government. Gov. Clark has had agents all over the State, collecting such arms as the people could spare; and it is said that agents of other States and of the Confederate government have been doing the same thing. But we utterly deny the right of President Davis to “request” Maj. Ashe, or any one else, to enter the houses of our people and impress their arms against their will. The 13th and 15th clauses of section 9th of the Confederate Constitution are as follows:


“13. A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.

15. The right of the people to secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated; and no warrants shall issue but on probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.”


The above clauses contain principles as ancient as liberty itself. These principles ought never to be violated. From the beginning of free government until now, no people ever parted with liberty as a means of achieving liberty, without finding themselves in the end subjects of despotism. The world has seen but one Washington. Clothed at one time with supreme military power, he hastened, as soon as he had performed the work of liberating his country, meekly to lay down that power at the feet of civil rule. Jefferson Davis is not George Washington. He is scarcely warm in his seat, to which he was called by the general acclaim of the whole people, before he “requests” one of his agents to violate material portions of the Constitution which he as sworn to support. The government over which he presides is one of delegated powers. The power which he claims, of search and seizure, and which he has assumed to delegate to Maj. Ashe, is expressly forbidden by the Constitution to be exercised by him, but is “reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.” The “right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed” – and “the right of the people to be secure in their person, houses, papers and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated.” – But Maj. Ashe says, “by request,” that if the arms are not forthcoming, he will seize them by force; and the Major furthermore declares in advance, “by request,” that those who do not promptly obey his call, are “cravens” and “disloyalists” – that is, cowards and traitors. Maj. Ashe expects the “true patriots” to send in their arms at once, but the arms of the cowards and traitors he will forcibly seize. Now we repeat, that every double-barrel gun and rifle which can be spared, should be promptly sold or given to the government; but there are instances and there are localities in which the people ought to retain their arms; and even if this were not so, and if all the guns and rifles could be spared, Mr. Davis must not attempt by force to disarm our people. We charge no improper motive on Mr. Davis or his agent, but we tell the people that they should not only protest against a violation of their Constitution, but resist the very beginnings of despotic rule. A people jealous of their liberties, and fighting as ours are against tyranny from without, should vigilantly guard against the possibility, not to say probability, of tyranny within. With sixty thousand of our troops as conscripts, under the control of the President, and with our home population disarmed, we should be at the mercy of any movement which radical and dangerous leaders might inaugurate. The whole character of our government might be changed, and though our people might protest against it, they would be powerless to prevent it. Orders to disarm the people have always been the forerunners of despotic military rule. Macaulay states that a favorite project with James the Second, was the disarming the population of Ireland, or rather that portion of them who disagreed with him in his peculiar views. Dick Talbot, earl of Tyrconell, who was given more to “wine and wassail” then he was to truth, justice and judgment, and who was charged with the military administration in Ireland, executed the “royal order which came from Whitehall for disarming the population.” This order was “Strictly executed as respected the English; and though the country was infested with predatory bands, a Protestant gentleman could scarcely obtain permission to keep a brace of pistols.” We leave it with our readers to say if there are not suspected persons in this State – suspected only because they did not prefer to break up the old government, and because they insist on a better administration of Confederate and State affairs as essential to the achievement of our independence, who are not regarded as “true patriots,” and the disarming of whom, whatever might be the indulgence shown to others, would be undertaken and accomplished with peculiar pleasure by certain persons. But however this may be, we protest against this order of the President to impress private property, as unnecessary, as insulting to our people as detrimental to the cause and also as a violation of the constitution. Our people have evinced no backwardness in this war. They have rushed to it as men crowd to a festival. They have given their money, their arms, and their blood without stint to the cause. But they are still free, and they will do nothing on compulsion. In the glowing account given by Mr. Bancroft, of the early settlers of North Carolina, he says – “Careless of religious sects, or colleges, or lawyers, or absolute laws, the early settlers enjoyed liberty of conscience and personal independence, freedom, of the forest and of the river:’ – and, he adds – “North Carolina was settled by the freest of the free.” The descendants of these settlers are just as free as they were. They regarded secession at will as the parent of anarchy, and coercion by the federal government as the parent of despotism; and they sought to avoid both. But they resisted and are resisting coercion, not so much on their own account as on that of others. Mr. Davis should remember this. We fought, and offered Mr. Davis all our treasure and blood, as soon as, and because his State was threatened. This consideration should induce him to treat us justly, if not generously.

We have nothing to say against Maj. Ashe personally. He is good-natured and cleaver to his friends, and public-spirited and active in the Southern cause; but it seems to us he might have executed his despotic mission with less of denunciation and threatening in advance than we find in his card. But his threats will alarm no one; and his own unselfishness will not shine with striking conspicuity when it is remembered that he holds two profitable offices – that of President of the Wilmington and Weldon Road, and Major in the Confederate service. The remedy of “peaceable secession” is likely to pay in his case indifferently well.

– Published in The North Carolina Weekly Standard, Raleigh, North Carolina, Wednesday, April 16, 1862, p. 1

The Charlotte Democrat

We had intended to reply to and thoroughly expose the Charlotte Democrat, but really, on reflection, we do not perceive that it is worth while to do so. That paper of the 1st instant indulges in nearly a column in reply to the Standard, in which it very grossly, and, we fear, deliberately misrepresents us. The whole purport of the Democrat’s article is unfounded and unjust, while its tone is petulant, ill-natured, and offensive.

The Democrat asks us why we have “dragged Judge Osborne’s name into the matter.” We have done no such thing. The Judge was in the meeting on whose proceeding we offered some comments, but those comments were not unkind, and under the circumstances, they were legitimate. But we are reminded, on reviewing the proceedings, that Judge Osborne addressed the meeting on the war, and not on the Governorship. His remarks were not political, and no doubt they were of service in stimulating his hearers, some of whom must have been, just then, depressed by the reverses which had befallen our arms; but the meeting nevertheless assumed a political aspect towards its close, by the nomination of Mr. Johnston for Governor. The Democrat will not succeed in making us do injustice to Judge Osborne by its injustice towards us. As a general rule Judge O. has shown as little of the partisan as any Judge on the bench, and much less of it, in deed, than one Superior Court Judge, whom we might name, if we chose to do so. We are satisfied that Judge O. did not regard the meeting referred to as political, and that he is not disposed to drag the judicial ermine in the muddy streams of party strife. It is natural that, under the circumstances, the Judge should have taken part in the meeting referred to, and that he should have remained in the meeting and acquiesced in or approved the nomination of his neighbor and former colleague in the Convention for Governor, whether he was his first choice for that office or not.

Nor have we assailed Mr. Johnston. We simply objected to his nomination because of its partisan character, and because of his manifest unfitness in this crisis, for the office.

We stated recently, that in our opinion the Charlotte Democrat and Wilmington Journal would not in any event, support any man for Governor who was for the old Union up to Lincoln’s proclamation. If these papers have replied to this statement, and attempted to clear themselves of the imputation of partyism, we have not seen their replies. Every one who goes with them in supporting their candidates is a no-party man; but those who differ with them are party men. This is a specimen of their fairness, and of their no-party views.

The Democrat is evidently alarmed at the idea of canvassing the State. That paper knows that Mr. Johnston is thoroughly identified with the administration at Raleigh, and that the conduct of the former and present administrations will not bear investigation and discussion. But discussion is the life of a free State. Honest men, and such as have done well as the servants of the people, do not fear it. Besides, discussion at this time will do good, by informing the people fully and accurately of their condition, and by encouraging unity of feeling on the basis of patriotism, and on the basis also of a constant and abiding respect for Constitutions and laws. In achieving our independence, we must not lose sight of, nor suffer to be trampled down, those safeguards to property and persons which are secured to us by our Constitutions, and without which independence itself would be but an empty name. The Democrat and those with whom it acts, are “at ease in their possessions,” and do not wish to be disturbed. It is their revolution, and they wish to conduct it in their won way, knowing that, in conducting it, they will enjoy the patronage and honors. The People will see about this, both in the campaign and at the polls. We repeat, honest men do not fear discussion before the people; and if the people cannot bear discussion, then have they ceased to be competent to govern themselves. It is only the selfish, the venal, and the guilty, who fear a fully and fair discussion of public affairs.

– Published in The North Carolina Weekly Standard, Raleigh, North Carolina, Wednesday, April 16, 1862, p. 1

Fall of Fort Craig

It will be recollected that after the late battle between Gen. Sibley’s forces and Col. Canby’s in New Mexico that Canby’s forces, the Federals, retreated to Fort Craig, and were surrounded by our troops. The New Orleans papers of the 1st inst. state that authentic news from San Antonio, affirms the surrender of the Fort. The surrender was unconditional. The Confederates are therefore the masters of New Mexico.

– Published in The North Carolina Weekly Standard, Raleigh, North Carolina, Wednesday, April 16, 1862, p. 1

Work Hands Wanted

Many of our citizens in the Eastern part of the State have left that section with their servants, and it is desirable that they should be employed in the cultivation of the unoccupied lands in the middle and Western Counties. We are told that there are thousands of acres of untenanted lands which will grow wheat, corn, irish potatoes, rye, barley, &c., and where pork and cattle can be raised abundantly. It is of immense importance that all the bread and meat which can be raised in North Carolina the present year, should be. At the prices now demanded for bread and meat, which they are by far too high, no class of men are making so much as the farmers who raise provisions. Let our Eastern people, therefore, who are in doubt about making a crop in the East, send or carry their hands up the country. A friend writes us that corn will mature in the Western Counties if not planted before the 5th of June. Mr. D. E. Ridenhour of Hold Hill, Rowan County, N.C., Writes us that he is anxious to hire several hands.

– Published in The North Carolina Weekly Standard, Raleigh, North Carolina, Wednesday, April 16, 1862, p. 1

North Carolina State Bonds . . .

. . . were selling at 97½ in Richmond, Va., on the 7th.

– Published in The North Carolina Weekly Standard, Raleigh, North Carolina, Wednesday, April 16, 1862, p. 1

Unionism in the Mountains of North Carolina – “A Riot”

The Stars and Stripes are flying in the western counties of North Carolina. All through the mountain region the old flag can be seen, where brave men have collected together to defend it honor.

Soon after Newbern was captured an important engagement took place in the western part of the State between a large rebel force and the Union Home Guards, resulting in a complete rout of the former, who, it appears, lost all the guns belonging to one battery, all the camp equipage, wagons, and supplies of all kinds, belonging to the rebel force, with three companies of cavalry, which were entirely cut off, and obliged to surrender, or in other words, “were retained.” The Raleigh Standard called it a “most disgraceful riot,” which is truly a very polite term for a defeat. It appears that the Union men in the mountains had been hanging a notorious rebel character, one Col. Dodge, who had charge of the militia, and had resorted to a sweeping imprisonment; hence the difficulty.

The Union men are strongly in the ascendency through the western counties of this State, are all armed, and have a complete organization under competent leaders. The Standard says they have threatened to take Raleigh, and suggests the importance of fortifying the city in every direction, and a general fall back of their rebel forces in the State to that point. – Newbern cor. Of N. Y. Tribune.

– Published in the Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 26, 1862, p. 2

Louisburg Female College

Our readers have not, we trust, overlooked the advertisement of Mr. Southgate, who has taken charge of this College. It will be seen by an additional advertisement to-day, that the music department is in charge of a most accomplished Professor. From the reputation of Mr. S. and his accomplished lady, as instructors of young ladies in Norfolk, the public cannot mistake in patronizing this College. Louisburg is one of the most delightful villages in the state.

– Published in The North Carolina Weekly Standard, Raleigh, North Carolina, Wednesday, April 16, 1862, p. 1

More Arrivals Through The Blockade

The Savannah News of Yesterday says: “ We are credibly informed that a steamer from a foreign port arrived at a Confederate port on Tuesday. She was fired at several times, but succeeded in running the blockade uninjured. We know that a sailing vessel also ran the blockade a few days since, and her captain has arrived in this city.”

– Published in The North Carolina Weekly Standard, Raleigh, North Carolina, Wednesday, April 16, 1862, p. 1

Conscription

We copy to-day, from the Macon (Ga.) Telegraph an able and interesting article on the subject of conscription. This writer protests as we do against conscription, as an invasion of the rights of the States, and as an engine of military despotism. – North Carolina, like Georgia, has responded with alacrity to every call for troops by the President. – Our state will soon have raised fifty regiments; and of these, thirty eight to forty will soon be in the field for the war. If the President wants forty more for the war, he can get them; but we must insist on volunteers and not conscripts; and these volunteers must be guaranteed the constitutional right of choosing their officers according to the plan adopted by the State. Volunteers for the war are simply militia for the war; and by the Constitution of the Confederate States, “the appointment of the officers” of the militia is expressly reserved to the States.

Conscription was recommended and attempted under the old government, in the war of 1812. In October, 1814, it was proposed by Mr. Monroe, acting Secretary of War, that the free male population of the United States should be formed into classes of one hundred men each – each class to furnish a certain number of men for the war, and replace them in event of casualty, or if any class proved delinquent, the men to be raised by draft on the whole class. “This plan,” says the Statesman’s Manual, vol. 1, p. 378, “was considered conscription, intended to be equally efficacious with the conscription established in France by Bonaparte. It was opposed as unconstitutional, oppressive and absurd, and when modified and introduced in the Senate, by Mr. Giles, in the form of a bill for the raising of eighty thousand men, after a long debate, and great efforts by the friends of the administration, the measure could not be carried through Congress, and of course failed.” It is stated in Hildreth’s history of the United States, vol. 3, page 541, that Mr. Wright of Maryland, and other vehement war men, were as zealous as the Federalists in their opposition to this measure. Indeed, it was defeated by Republicans and Federalists combined, many of the former being as hostile to it as the latter. And yet the necessity for conscription was much greater then than is now. A large party not only opposed the declaration of war against Great Britain, but continued to oppose it during its progress, and it was with difficulty that troops could be raised in some of the States. Such is by no means the case in this war. The people generally are in favor of it, and the States have vied with each other in raising and arming troops for both State and Confederate defence [sic]. There is, therefore, no good reason for urging a levy en masse on the people; and it is both wicked and dangerous to attempt to force free men to do what they have been doing, and will do voluntarily. We are inflexibly opposed to calling into the field, as hireling soldiers, all our fighting men between eighteen and thirty-five, and then disarming the remained of the population, as proposed by the President in his “request” to Maj. Ashe. Our liberties might not, in the end, be destroyed by such a course; but we are not willing to trust any man, or any government, of delegated powers, under any circumstances, with the exercise of such power. “The price of liberty is eternal vigilance.”

We are glad to find that the press of the State is generally opposed to conscription. The last Fayetteville Observer says:

“So far as North Carolina is concerned, we can say with pride and pleasure, that she has gone ahead of all calls upon her for troops. The late requisition is a glorious example of this. The Governor, by direction of the President, called for five regiments, and more than ten have sprung forward. Is it not cruel, under such circumstances to impress all? Is it not unjust to require, when more that are needed are ready to go upon a mere request? We have reason to know that in some portions of the State, if not all, almost every man who ought to go is already enrolled, and gone or going. Here and there is found a man with a wife and a half a dozen to a dozen children dependent upon his labor alone for bread and his presence for protection; shall such men be carried of to the army? God forbid. If they all go, who is to raise the food for the family, to say nothing of the army? We tell the authorities, that there are already serious and alarming apprehensions upon this latter point. We lately received a letter from an upper county, begging us to call attention to the fears felt there that there will not be laborers enough left (in a section where there are few slaves,) to reap and save the crops of all small grain now nearly ready for the sickle.

Again: this measure proposes to retain, by law, all the twelve months’ volunteers now in the service (between 18 & 35) in violation of the solemn obligation, the plighted faith of the State and the Confederate States, that they should have a right to a discharge at the end of the twelve months. The mere statement of such a proposition brands it as – we are unwilling to use the term. But what sort of soldiers would men make who are thus treated? We say, beware!

We would have said something on this view – the political view – but it is so well and forcibly said by an eminent statesman in a letter just at hand, that we take the liberty of substituting his language instead of our own. It occurs at the end of a business letter, as follows: –

“I am gratified to see that the Observer has independence enough to object to the proposition to repudiate the paroles of our released soldiers. It proposes a process of absolution, scarcely less than Papal. But I regard the recent message of the President, asking for the power of conscription, as in effect looking to a military despotism, and I am greatly surprised that the Richmond Whig, which has manfully raised its voice against the proscription and favoritism of the administration, and the imbecility in office which has become its natural result, should have yielded its acquiescence in the policy. Give to the President a standing army consisting of all male citizens between the ages of 18 and 35, with power to call into the field as many as he pleases and when and where he pleases, without saying to the Governor of a State “by your leave,” and not only is the Constitution subverted, but personal liberty is no more. The power to declare and enforce martial law, and imprison citizens indefinitely without the right of habeas corpus to inquire into the cause of detention, is another wide step in the came direction. A panic prevails in the country, and those in authority have but to ask for power on the ground of “military necessity,” and the oldest and most sacred safeguards of freedom are yielded without question.

We must retain our self possession, and our liberties too, in the progress of this war, or we will look in vain for them at its close.

– Published in The North Carolina Weekly Standard, Raleigh, North Carolina, Wednesday, April 16, 1862, p. 1

Senator Gwin, of California . . .

. . . who was arrested by Lincoln and afterwards released, escaped to Richmond the other day. He says that the North is fully at work, and will use every means to crush out what the call the rebellion by the 1st of May.

– Published in The North Carolina Weekly Standard, Raleigh, North Carolina, Wednesday, April 16, 1862, p. 1

The Latest News

We have deferred to the latest moment making up our summary of news. The reader will find but few additional particulars from the battlefield of Shiloh.

It appears that Gens. Johnston, Beauregard, Polk and Bragg had effected a union of their forces at Corinth, Mississippi, a few days before the battle. Corinth is about 90 miles East of Memphis, Tenn., at that point on the Memphis & Charleston Railroad where the Mobile & Ohio Railroad crosses it.

Gen. Grant, commanding the left wing of the Federals, supposed to be 60,000 strong, had pushed his column up the Tennessee River, and landed at Pittsburg, Tenn., a small town on the river, about twenty miles from Corinth. Of this movement our generals were fully aware. The were also advised that Gen. Buell had pushed on his column of 70,000 from Nashville, South, but with the evident design of forming a junction with Grant, at Pittsburg.

Gen. Johnston therefore determined to attack Gen. Grant before Buell could re-inforce [sic] him, destroy his army and return to Corinth.

The Number of our forces is not known; some say 90,000, but we judge that is a large estimate. Our forces moved against Grant on the 6th instant, whose advance column was within 18 miles of Corinth, at Shiloh Church. At an early hour the troops were engaged, and the battle was fiercely contested on both sides during the entire day.

Where all did so well, it would be invidious to particularize, but Gens. Johnston, Polk, Pillow, Breckinridge and Gladden are specially spoken as signalizing themselves. About 2 ½ o’clock, General Johnston fell, a ball having cut the large artery of his leg; he continued in the saddle until he fainted with loss of blood, and expired very soon after. – Gen. Breckinridge is said to have had two horses killed under him, and his clothes were badly torn. Special mention is made of the great valor of the Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana troops, but we have no doubt all fought well. Dispatches state that only 35,000 of Grant’s forces were engaged. – How many of ours is not mentioned. The loss on both sides is said to be heavy, but nothing is mentioned except that our loss is about 3,000, and that we took between 4 and 6,000 prisoners, among whom was Gen. Prentice [sic] and a number of other officers. Eleven car loads of Federal prisoners arrived at Chattanooga on the 9th.

The enemy was completely routed on the 6th, and driven to their boats, leaving in immense amount of ammunition, stores, and guns in our possession, and 100 cannon captured.

On Sunday night Gen. Buell arrived with heavy re-inforcements and attacked Gen. Beauregard vigorously on Monday morning. The battle raged on until 1 o’clock, when both parties seemed to haul off. Gen. Beauregard fell back to Corinth according to General Johnston’s plan, not having been able to save all of his ammunition, supplies and cannon taken from the enemy the day before.

A dispatch from Corinth on the 9th, to the Richmond Dispatch, says, we still hold the battlefield, and it is not though that the enemy will advance. It says that Morgan’s Cavalry on the 8th attacked the enemy in camp and killed a large number of them, and burned the tents of our forces which they had left.

It says that Gens. Gladden, Bushrod Johnson and Hindman were wounded, and at 2 o’clock the firing ceased mutually on both sides on Monday, and both armies fell back.

It is also stated that Gen. Van Dorn had joined Beauregard at Corinth with re-inforcements. Near that point the great battle is yet to be fought.

A gentleman of this City has received a letter from a friend in the west, who states that Ft. Smith had been evacuated by our forces on account of the destitution of forage and provisions in that region, and that Gen. Price had retired to the Arkansas river to obtain supplies. This therefore discourages the rumor of another fight with Curtis.

We learn from dispatches received by the Charlotte Bulletin on the 10th, that Com. Hollins had communicated to the War Department at Richmond that three of the enemy’s gunboats had passed Island No. 10. Of course they will encounter breakers below.

It is states also, that five Yankee batteries commenced the bombardment of Fort Pulaski below Savannah at 6 o’clock A.M., on that day. No fears were felt for the Fort.

We have nothing from the neighborhood of Newbern, except the skirmish given in another article.

A rumor prevailed in Norfolk, which however was believed to be unfounded, that about 300 of our militia had been captured by the Yankees between Elizabeth City and South Mills.

It is also reported that the Burnside fleet was concentrating at Edenton for a supposed advance upon Suffolk. It needs confirmation.

No news about Norfolk or from the Merrimac.

The reported fights on the Peninsula are believed to have been only skirmishes. The enemy was said to be entrenching four miles below Yorktown.

– Published in The North Carolina Weekly Standard, Raleigh, North Carolina, Wednesday, April 16, 1862, p. 1

Gen. A. S. Johnston

The death of this distinguished General in the late battle, excites universal sorrow. Appropriate resolutions were adopted by both Houses of Congress, and they adjourned in respect to the occasion. During the speech of Mr. Barksdale of Miss., he read a private letter from Gen. Johnston to President Davis, explaining the reasons for his course in evacuating Bowling Green and Nashville, which exhonerates [sic] Gen. J. from all blame. We regret that we have not space for the letter in this issue. On the 8th President Davis sent in to Congress the following message:

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the Confederate States of America:

The great importance of the news just received from Tennessee induces me to depart from established usage, and make to you this communication in advance of official reports.

From telegraphic despatches [sic] received from official sources, I am able to announce to you, with entire confidence that it has pleased Almighty God to crown the Confederate arms with a glorious and decisive victory over our invaders.

On the morning of the 6th instant the converging columns of our army were combined by its Commander in Chief, General A. S. Johnston, on an assault on the Federal army, then encamped near Pittsburg, on the Tennessee river. After a hard fought battle of ten hours, the enemy was driven to disorder from his position and pursued to the Tennessee river, where, under cover of his gunboats, he was, at the last accounts, endeavoring to effect his retreat by aid of his transports.

The details of this great battle are yet too few and incomplete to enable me to distinguish with merited praise all of those who may have conspicuously earned the right to such distinction; and I prefer to delay my own gratification in recommending them to your special notice, rather than incur the risk of wounding the feelings of any, by failing to include them in the list. Where such a victory has been won over troops as numerous, as well disciplined, armed and appointed as those which have just been so signally routed, we may well conclude that one common spirit of unflinching bravery and devotion to our country’s cause must have animated every breast, from that of the commanding General to that of the humblest patriot who served in the ranks.

There is enough in the continued presence of invaders on our soil to chasten our exultation over this brilliant success, and to remind us of the grave duty of continued exertion until we shall extort from a proud and vain glorious enemy, the reluctant acknowledgement of our right to self-government. But an all-wise Creator has been pleased, while vouch safeing [sic] to us His countenance in battle, to afflict us with a severe dispensation to which we must bow in humble submission. The last lingering hope has disappeared, and it is but too true that General Albert Sydney Johnston is no more. The tale of his death is simply narrated in a dispatch just received from Col. William Preston, in the following words:

“General Johnston fell yesterday, at half-past two o’clock, while leading a successful charge, turning the enemy’s right and gaining a brilliant victory. A minnie ball cut the artery of his leg, but he rode on till from loss of blood he fell exhausted, and died without pain in a few moments. His body has been entrusted to me by General Beauregard, to be taken to New Orleans, and remain until directions are received from his family.”

My long and close friendship with this departed chieftain and patriot, forbid me to trust myself in giving vent to the feelings which this sad intelligence has evoked. Without doing injustice to the living, it may safely be asserted that our loss is irreparable; and that among the shining hosts of the great and the good who now cluster around the banner of our country, there exists no purer spirit, no more heroic soul, than that of the illustrious man whose death I join you in lamenting.

In his death he has illustrated the character for which through life he was conspicuous – that of singleness of purpose and devotion to duty. With his whole energies bent on attaining the victory which he deemed essential to his country’s cause, he rode on to the accomplishment of his object, forgetful of self while his very life-blood was fast ebbing away. His last breath cheered his comrades to victory. The last sound he heard was their shout of triumph. His last thought was his country’s, and long and deeply will his country mourn his loss.

JEFFERSON DAVIS

– Published in The North Carolina Weekly Standard, Raleigh, North Carolina, Wednesday, April 16, 1862, p. 1