The subject of
admitting Colorado was to-day before the Cabinet. The bill has passed both
houses after having been once rejected. Congress in 1863 authorized the
formation of a State constitution, and the people refused to take upon
themselves local State government. Subsequently the people formally adopted it
by a small majority in a vote of some six thousand, and elected Senators, who
are here anxious to get their seats. After the proposition and Senators were
rejected, it was ascertained the latter would vote with the Radicals, and that
their votes would contribute to overrule and defeat the Executive. This new
light led Senators to revise their votes. The Constitution restricts suffrage
to the whites, but Senators and others who insist on negro suffrage where the
blacks are numerous, and in States where Congress has no right to intervene,
voted for Colorado.
Seward, McCulloch,
and myself were against admitting the State. She had a population of less than
twenty thousand, as claimed by some, and not exceeding thirty or thirty-five
thousand, as insisted by the most strenuous for admission. As a principle I
have uniformly opposed recognizing and admitting States with a population below
the ratio for one Representative. This has always ruled. The slaveholders
thrust in Florida and Arkansas as an offset to Free States; and Kansas was
authorized under peculiar and extraordinary circumstances to form a
constitution with, I think, less than sixty thousand. There was, perhaps, some
excuse for admitting and authorizing Colorado to frame a constitution when the
difficulties of the country and the attempts of the Rebels to lessen the number
of States was before us. But the people then refused self-government.
I therefore had no
difficulty in coming to my conclusions on general principles. Stanton thought
it might in this instance be well enough to let them in and avoid further
trouble. Harlan argued for admission with some ability and tact, but did not meet
the great underlying principle. He thought it expedient, and with so much
effect as to cause Dennison to doubt, who was at first opposed to the bill. The
question was deferred.
The subject of
sending naval vessels to attend the laying of the Atlantic telegraph was
considered. Seward, Dennison, and Harlan in the affirmative. McCulloch and
Stanton opposed. I felt very indifferent; had advised Field to go to Congress.
Told him I should not act without authority from Congress or an order from the
Executive. Stated to the President that we could, without any difficulty or
much additional expense, detail a vessel, Mr. Seward having said we did not
require all the four ordered to the fishing-ground. Although my faith in the
success of the ocean telegraph is not great, yet, in view of the fact that
Congress had once ordered a vessel and of our present ability to spare one, and
the further fact that a vessel had been ordered to assist or be present at
laying the Russian telegraph, it might be expedient to show a friendly feeling
as regards this, and I would assent, though unwilling to advise it.
The President
thought it would be well for Congress to take up the subject, or, at all
events, that we should delay a day or two before deciding. This I approved as
the better course. Stanton, who had seen my previous indifference, immediately
slapped me on the shoulder and said I could decide readily with the President.
I said I could, for he usually was not far wrong. Stanton was vexed.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 502-4
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